The Progressives: Racism and Public Law

Herbert Hovenkamp
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The rise of Progressivism coincided with the death of scientific racism, which had been taught in American universities since the early nineteenth century and featured prominently in the scientific debate over Darwin’s theory of evolution. Eugenics, which attempted to use genetics and mathematics to validate many racist claims, was its last gasp. The most notable thing about the Progressives is that they were responsible for bringing scientific racism to an end, although that did not happen immediately.My argument here is, first, that one of the most powerful characteristics of the progressive State was its attentiveness to science – a characteristic that it retains to this day. When the Progressive Era was forming, however, genetic racism was the scientific model of the day, cutting across a wide range of disciplines and reaching people of all political persuasions, even into the most elite of American research institutions. By and large, non-Progressives were just as racist as Progressives and some significantly more so. Further, the Progressive period lay entirely within the southern era of Jim Crow legislated segregation, often making it impossible to identify particular racial attitudes in the New South as \"Progressive\" or simply as inherited features of long held southern racial ideas. The all important question for the historian is, Which racial ideas did the Progressives inherit from their predecessors, and which did they develop on their own?Second, if Progressive public policy on race differed from prevailing alternatives, it was that Progressives believed in a more active State. Racism supported by an activist legislative agenda can be much uglier than racism that is simply tolerated. One cannot characterize most of the segregationist, exclusionary, and other racist legislation passed during this era as \"Progressive,\" however. Southern states actively regulated racial exclusion by statute, and all of the racial zoning laws sometimes attributed to Progressives were passed in formerly slave holding states. Whatever the ideological or scientific sources of these laws, they were supported by staunch anti-Progressives. The same thing is true of compulsory sterilization laws. For example, the Supreme Court Justices who voted consistently against Progressive labor protective and other regulatory legislation voted to uphold compulsory sterilization of mental \"defectives.\" While many Progressives advocated for more restrictive immigration laws, nothing that was passed during the Progressive Era matched the explicit restrictions on Chinese immigration that came earlier, or the racist immigration restrictions enacted during the terms of anti-Progressive Presidents Harding and Coolidge after the Progressive Era had ended. Finally, the attempts to link Progressive support for minimum wage laws to racial exclusion fail because they misunderstand the objectives of the Progressive minimum wage commitment and, further, pick and choose a small number of idiosyncratic examples from an enormous economic literature.Third, the one place where a sharp difference emerged between progressives and their various opponents was in the subsequent rejection of genetic racism in favor of more environmentalist, nurture-based models of human nature and development. More environmentalist views began to take hold in the social sciences in the 1910s and 1920s and began to change legal thinking in the 1940s. They found expression in a Supreme Court that was almost unanimously Democrat and self-acknowledged progressive. 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引用次数: 6

Abstract

American Progressivism inaugurated the beginning of the end of American scientific racism. Its critics have been vocal, however, largely confusing the ideas that Progressives inherited from those they developed for themselves. Progressives have been charged with promotion of eugenics, and thus with mainstreaming practices such as housing segregation, compulsory sterilization of those deemed unfit, and exclusion of immigrants on racial grounds. But if the Progressives were such racists, why is it that since the 1930s Afro-Americans and other people of color have consistently supported self-proclaimed progressive political candidates, and typically by very wide margins?When examining the Progressives on race, it is critical to distinguish the views that they inherited from those that they developed. The rise of Progressivism coincided with the death of scientific racism, which had been taught in American universities since the early nineteenth century and featured prominently in the scientific debate over Darwin’s theory of evolution. Eugenics, which attempted to use genetics and mathematics to validate many racist claims, was its last gasp. The most notable thing about the Progressives is that they were responsible for bringing scientific racism to an end, although that did not happen immediately.My argument here is, first, that one of the most powerful characteristics of the progressive State was its attentiveness to science – a characteristic that it retains to this day. When the Progressive Era was forming, however, genetic racism was the scientific model of the day, cutting across a wide range of disciplines and reaching people of all political persuasions, even into the most elite of American research institutions. By and large, non-Progressives were just as racist as Progressives and some significantly more so. Further, the Progressive period lay entirely within the southern era of Jim Crow legislated segregation, often making it impossible to identify particular racial attitudes in the New South as "Progressive" or simply as inherited features of long held southern racial ideas. The all important question for the historian is, Which racial ideas did the Progressives inherit from their predecessors, and which did they develop on their own?Second, if Progressive public policy on race differed from prevailing alternatives, it was that Progressives believed in a more active State. Racism supported by an activist legislative agenda can be much uglier than racism that is simply tolerated. One cannot characterize most of the segregationist, exclusionary, and other racist legislation passed during this era as "Progressive," however. Southern states actively regulated racial exclusion by statute, and all of the racial zoning laws sometimes attributed to Progressives were passed in formerly slave holding states. Whatever the ideological or scientific sources of these laws, they were supported by staunch anti-Progressives. The same thing is true of compulsory sterilization laws. For example, the Supreme Court Justices who voted consistently against Progressive labor protective and other regulatory legislation voted to uphold compulsory sterilization of mental "defectives." While many Progressives advocated for more restrictive immigration laws, nothing that was passed during the Progressive Era matched the explicit restrictions on Chinese immigration that came earlier, or the racist immigration restrictions enacted during the terms of anti-Progressive Presidents Harding and Coolidge after the Progressive Era had ended. Finally, the attempts to link Progressive support for minimum wage laws to racial exclusion fail because they misunderstand the objectives of the Progressive minimum wage commitment and, further, pick and choose a small number of idiosyncratic examples from an enormous economic literature.Third, the one place where a sharp difference emerged between progressives and their various opponents was in the subsequent rejection of genetic racism in favor of more environmentalist, nurture-based models of human nature and development. More environmentalist views began to take hold in the social sciences in the 1910s and 1920s and began to change legal thinking in the 1940s. They found expression in a Supreme Court that was almost unanimously Democrat and self-acknowledged progressive. The result was gradual emergence of a division that has endured to this day, with progressives largely appearing as promoters of racial inclusion and diversity.
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《进步派:种族主义与公法
美国进步主义开创了美国科学种族主义终结的开端。然而,它的批评者一直直言不讳,在很大程度上混淆了进步主义者从他们自己发展的那些思想中继承来的思想。进步人士被指控提倡优生学,因此也被指控将住房隔离、对那些被认为不适合的人强制绝育、以及以种族为由排斥移民等做法纳入主流。但是,如果进步党是这样的种族主义者,为什么自20世纪30年代以来,非裔美国人和其他有色人种一直支持自称为进步派的政治候选人,而且通常以非常大的优势支持?在考察进步派关于种族的观点时,区分他们继承的观点和他们发展的观点是至关重要的。进步主义的兴起与科学种族主义的消亡不约而同。自19世纪初以来,科学种族主义一直在美国大学中教授,并在围绕达尔文进化论的科学辩论中占据突出地位。试图用遗传学和数学来验证许多种族主义主张的优生学,是它的最后一口气。进步派最值得注意的事情是,他们对终结科学种族主义负有责任,尽管这并没有立即发生。我在这里的论点是,首先,进步国家最强大的特征之一是它对科学的关注- -这一特征一直保留到今天。然而,当“进步时代”形成时,基因种族主义是当时的科学模式,它跨越了广泛的学科,触及了所有政治信仰的人,甚至进入了美国研究机构的最精英阶层。总的来说,非进步派和进步派一样是种族主义者,有些人甚至更严重。此外,进步时期完全处于吉姆·克劳立法隔离的南方时代,这往往使人们无法将新南方的特定种族态度确定为“进步”,或者仅仅是继承了长期存在的南方种族观念的特征。对历史学家来说,最重要的问题是,哪些种族观念是进步派从他们的前辈那里继承来的,哪些是他们自己发展起来的?第二,如果说进步派在种族问题上的公共政策不同于主流的选择,那就是进步派相信一个更积极的国家。由积极的立法议程支持的种族主义可能比仅仅被容忍的种族主义丑陋得多。然而,我们不能把这一时期通过的大多数种族隔离、排他和其他种族主义立法称为“进步”。南方各州积极地通过立法来规范种族排斥,所有的种族分区法有时被认为是进步派的功劳,都是在以前蓄奴的州通过的。无论这些法律的意识形态或科学来源是什么,它们都得到了坚定的反进步派的支持。强制绝育法也是如此。例如,一贯投票反对进步劳动保护和其他监管立法的最高法院法官投票支持对精神“缺陷”进行强制绝育。虽然许多进步派人士主张制定更严格的移民法,但进步时代通过的任何法律都比不上之前对中国移民的明确限制,也比不上进步时代结束后,反进步派总统哈丁和柯立芝在任期间颁布的种族主义移民限制。最后,将进步党对最低工资法的支持与种族排斥联系起来的尝试失败了,因为他们误解了进步党最低工资承诺的目标,而且,他们从大量的经济文献中挑选了少数特殊的例子。第三,进步主义者和他们的反对者之间出现了一个明显的分歧,那就是他们后来拒绝了基因种族主义,转而支持更环保的、基于养育的人性和发展模型。在20世纪10年代和20年代,更多的环境保护主义观点开始在社会科学领域站稳脚跟,并在20世纪40年代开始改变法律思想。他们在最高法院得到了表达,最高法院几乎一致是民主党人,并自认为是进步派。其结果是逐渐出现了一种持续至今的分歧,进步人士主要是作为种族包容和多样性的推动者出现的。
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