And What About the Family Back Home? International Migration and Happiness

Fernando Borraz, Susan Pozo, Máximo Rossi
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引用次数: 46

Abstract

Abstract In this study we use data on subjective well being and migration of family members in Cuenca, one of Ecuador's largest cities, to examine the impact of migration on the happiness of the family left behind. While a cursory examination of the data suggests that the heads of households that have experienced the migration of one or more family members are less happy, a more careful analysis reveals otherwise. Households that have been impacted by migration express equal levels of happiness as those households that have not been affected by migration. One plausible explanation for our finding is that the remittances that households receive following the migration of loved ones counteract the downsides to family emigration. Introduction International migration can be motivated by a number of factors. Some migrate in order to escape dire poverty. Others go into exile in search of religious or political freedoms. Some move to invest in education, others to join relatives abroad, and still others in pursuit of adventure and new opportunities. While a great deal of research has analyzed the short-run and long-run outcomes for those who move to new areas (e.g. Borjas, 2002; Chiswick, 2002; Smith, 2003; Card, 2005), in this paper we turn our focus to the family left behind. In particular, we consider whether international migration of one or more family members serves to increase or decrease the level of "happiness" of household members who remain in the home community. Understanding how migration affects migrants and their families is of considerable interest given that migration will likely touch increasing numbers of individuals in the world. First, according to demographic information, the incidence of migration has been rising. In 1970, about 2.2 percent of the world's population lived in a country other than their country of birth. In contrast, by 2005, the foreign born accounted for 3 percent of the world's population. (2) Second, emigration impacts more than those moving to another country. Legal, cultural, and monetary barriers to migration often make it difficult for whole families to migrate. The incidence of migration-impacted households can therefore easily change with public policy which ultimately accentuates family separations and dislocations. For example, Massey (2006) has noted that increased enforcement at the US/Mexico border--implemented to stem illegal immigration--has had the unintended effect of extending the stay of unauthorized immigrants who would normally periodically return home. Longer stays by unauthorized immigrant are likely to lead to longer-lasting and permanent family separations. A third reason for expecting migration to touch larger portions of the world population stems from policy shifts in immigration legislation toward preferences for skilled labor migration at the expense of family reunification. If legislation continues to be developed along these lines, it follows that a larger circle of individuals will be affected by migration due to longer-run family separations. Finally, rapid technological progress of the sort observed in the more recent decades is likely to continue, further reducing transportation and communication costs, easing travel, facilitating international migration and therefore increasing its incidence. (3) Given the expectation of greater family dislocations via migration, what are our priors on the impact of migration on happiness? We hypothesize that migration reduces happiness levels of the family left behind. The emigration of a household member is likely to directly cause disruptions in the household since the absent household member may have been contributing to the household via market or home production. Thus, in addition to discomfort stemming from the absence of loved ones, household and monetary responsibilities now need to be assumed by other family members. The reallocation of household chores and market work is likely to be costly for the remaining family members, reducing happiness levels. …
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那家里的人怎么办?国际移民与幸福
在本研究中,我们利用厄瓜多尔最大城市之一昆卡家庭成员的主观幸福感和迁移数据,来检验迁移对留守家庭幸福感的影响。虽然对数据的粗略检查表明,经历过一个或多个家庭成员迁移的家庭的户主不太幸福,但更仔细的分析显示并非如此。受移民影响的家庭与未受移民影响的家庭表现出相同的幸福水平。对于我们的发现,一个合理的解释是,家庭在亲人移民后收到的汇款抵消了家庭移民的不利影响。国际移民可以由许多因素驱动。有些移民是为了摆脱赤贫。其他人则为了寻求宗教或政治自由而流亡海外。一些人去投资教育,一些人去找国外的亲戚,还有一些人去追求冒险和新的机会。虽然大量的研究分析了那些搬到新地区的人的短期和长期结果(例如Borjas, 2002;西斯,2002;史密斯,2003;Card, 2005),在本文中,我们将重点转向留守家庭。特别是,我们考虑一个或多个家庭成员的国际迁移是否有助于增加或降低留在家乡社区的家庭成员的“幸福”水平。考虑到移民可能会触及世界上越来越多的个人,了解移民如何影响移民及其家庭具有相当大的意义。首先,根据人口统计资料,移民的发生率一直在上升。1970年,世界上约有2.2%的人口生活在他们出生国以外的国家。相比之下,到2005年,外国出生的人口占世界人口的3%。(2)第二,移民的影响大于移居他国的影响。移民的法律、文化和货币障碍往往使整个家庭难以移民。因此,受移徙影响的家庭的发生率很容易随着公共政策而改变,这最终加剧了家庭分离和流离失所。例如,Massey(2006)指出,在美国/墨西哥边境加强执法——旨在阻止非法移民——却产生了意想不到的效果,即延长了通常会定期返回家园的非法移民的停留时间。非法移民在美国停留的时间越长,可能会导致长期和永久的家庭分离。预计移民将触及世界大部分人口的第三个原因是,移民立法的政策转变,以牺牲家庭团聚为代价,倾向于技术劳工移民。如果继续按照这些方针制定立法,那么由于长期的家庭分离,将会有更多的人受到移徙的影响。最后,最近几十年所观察到的那种迅速的技术进步很可能继续下去,进一步降低运输和通讯费用,使旅行更容易,促进国际移徙,从而增加其发生率。(3)考虑到移民会导致更大的家庭错位,我们对移民对幸福感影响的先验研究是什么?我们假设移民降低了留守家庭的幸福水平。家庭成员的移民可能会直接导致家庭的混乱,因为缺席的家庭成员可能通过市场或家庭生产为家庭做出贡献。因此,除了因失去亲人而产生的不适之外,家庭和经济责任现在需要由其他家庭成员承担。家务和市场工作的重新分配可能会让剩下的家庭成员付出高昂的代价,从而降低幸福水平。…
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