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Digital Governance: Theory, Policy and Practice 数字治理:理论、政策与实践
Pub Date : 2020-08-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3679639
Divyan Sethuramalingam
The emergence of the information age, rising challenges in global governance and data privacy issues has led to the search for a new way to govern a nation that’s transitioning into the digital world. Blockchain technology has been emerging as a disruptive innovation in a wide range of applications, undoubtedly redesigning our perspective of business, politics and society at large. This paper aims to discuss key points of blockchain based decentralized governance and its role in sustainable economic growth of a nation. In particular, The paper will discuss current and past issues in global governance and verify to which extent digital governance can enhance scalability and interoperability in the future. The analysis expansively discusses concepts such as digital identity, central bank digital currency, digital voting system, governance oracles, scalability, interoperability, frameworks and its role in the future of governance.
信息时代的到来,全球治理和数据隐私问题面临的挑战日益增多,促使人们寻找一种新的方式来治理一个正在向数字世界过渡的国家。区块链技术已经成为广泛应用的颠覆性创新,毫无疑问,它重新设计了我们对商业、政治和社会的看法。本文旨在讨论基于区块链的去中心化治理的要点及其在国家可持续经济增长中的作用。特别地,本文将讨论当前和过去的全球治理问题,并验证数字治理在多大程度上可以增强未来的可扩展性和互操作性。该分析广泛讨论了数字身份、中央银行数字货币、数字投票系统、治理预言机、可扩展性、互操作性、框架及其在未来治理中的作用等概念。
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引用次数: 1
The Republic of North Macedonian Foreign Policy in the Context of Regional Security Policy in the Balkans 巴尔干地区安全政策背景下的北马其顿共和国外交政策
Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.46763/bssr20150238b
N. Baranov, P. Smirnov
The purpose of this work is to identify the features of the foreign policy of the Republic of North Macedonia in the context of a regional Security Complex Formation with a determining role of external actors based on the analysis of the State's foreign policy activities evolution. Regional security complexes are formed by a group of states whose primary security interests are so closely interrelated that their national security cannot be considered in isolation from each other. The processes taking place in the selected states are related to macro-regional development and cannot be considered in isolation from civilizational, confessional and other factors, considering economic and political globalization, new challenges and threats. The events taking place in North Macedonia are closely interlinked with regional processes, within which the state builds its foreign policy aimed at solving domestic political problems, preserving the stability of the political system and the stability of socio-economic development. At the same time, the foreign policy vector of Macedonia is built in accordance with the region-wide context and inextricably linked with ensuring security in the Balkan region. Within the evolution of foreign policy of Republic of North Macedonia five distinct periods can be identified between 1991 to 2020. In each of these periods, the most pressing problems related to the implementation of the main idea of the state's declared foreign policy, integration into the European Union and NATO, were solved. By 2020, these plans had begun to be implemented and together with other countries in the region and the active participation of external actors, North Macedonia is becoming an organic part of the emerging security complex. This complex is characterized by a high degree of interdependence of the region's states. It includes a stable system of regional relationships and interconnections of a structural and spatial nature of various types including political, economic, cultural and historical. Such system allows the region to act as a subsystem towards the international environment.
这项工作的目的是根据对国家外交政策活动演变的分析,在外部行动者起决定性作用的区域安全联合体形成的背景下,确定北马其顿共和国外交政策的特点。区域安全复合体是由一些国家组成的,这些国家的主要安全利益密切相关,不能孤立地看待它们的国家安全。在所选国家发生的进程与宏观区域发展有关,不能脱离文明、宗教信仰和其他因素,考虑到经济和政治全球化、新的挑战和威胁。北马其顿发生的事件与区域进程密切相关,国家在区域进程中制定外交政策,旨在解决国内政治问题,维护政治制度的稳定和社会经济发展的稳定。与此同时,马其顿的外交政策是根据整个区域的情况制定的,与确保巴尔干地区的安全有着千丝万缕的联系。在1991年至2020年期间,北马其顿共和国外交政策的演变可以确定为五个不同的时期。在每一个时期,最紧迫的问题都得到了解决,这些问题与实施国家宣布的外交政策的主要思想有关,即融入欧盟和北约。到2020年,这些计划已开始执行,并与该区域其他国家和外部行动者的积极参与一起,北马其顿正在成为新兴安全综合体的有机组成部分。这个综合体的特点是该地区各国高度相互依存。它包括一个稳定的区域关系系统,以及各种类型的结构和空间性质的相互联系,包括政治、经济、文化和历史。这一系统使该区域成为国际环境的一个子系统。
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引用次数: 0
The African Continental Free Trade Area in a Decaying Multilateral Trading System: Questioning the Relevance of the Enabling Clause 衰落的多边贸易体制中的非洲大陆自由贸易区:对授权条款相关性的质疑
Pub Date : 2019-11-30 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3501539
Regis Yann Simo
The signature of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Agreement during the 10th Extraordinary Summit of the African Union (AU) Assembly of Heads of State and Government held on 21 March 2018, in Kigali, Rwanda, marks a decisive turn in African regional economic integration. After speedily securing the minimum threshold of 22 signatures, the Agreement, with the Protocols on Trade in Goods, Services and Dispute Settlement, entered into force on 30 May 2019. While the AfCFTA comes at a very good time for the continent especially by proposing African solutions to African problems, it also happens amidst a backlashed multilateral trading system epitomised by the US-China trade war, the WTO negotiations stalemate and the likely demise of its dispute settlement mechanism, as well as the United Kingdom’s exit from the EU (Brexit).

The AfCFTA’s main aim is to create a single continental market for goods and services, with free movement of businesspersons and investments, and thus pave the way for accelerating the establishment of the continental Customs Union. While the establishment of existing regional trade agreements (RTAs) has not always been conditioned on the satisfaction of the WTO rules on the issue, this article examines the regime under which the AfCFTA should be scrutinised. This calls for the dissection of the pertinence and the desirability of the Enabling Clause as opposed to Article XXIV for this scheme composed of developing and least-developed countries. The paper notes the tendency since 1979 to notify intra-African RTAs under the Enabling Clause contrary to earlier practice.
2018年3月21日,在卢旺达基加利举行的非洲联盟(非盟)国家元首和政府首脑大会第十届特别首脑会议期间签署了《非洲大陆自由贸易区协定》,标志着非洲区域经济一体化的决定性转折。在迅速获得22个签署国的最低门槛后,《协定》连同《货物贸易、服务贸易和争端解决议定书》于2019年5月30日生效。虽然非洲自贸协定对非洲大陆来说是一个非常好的时机,特别是提出了非洲解决非洲问题的非洲方案,但它也发生在多边贸易体系受到强烈反对的情况下,其中包括美中贸易战,世贸组织谈判陷入僵局,其争端解决机制可能消亡,以及英国退出欧盟(Brexit)。非洲大陆自由贸易区的主要目标是建立一个单一的大陆商品和服务市场,使商人和投资自由流动,从而为加速建立大陆关税同盟铺平道路。虽然现有区域贸易协定的建立并不总是以满足世贸组织在这一问题上的规则为条件,但本文探讨了审查非洲大陆自贸协定的制度。这就要求对由发展中国家和最不发达国家组成的这一计划的授权条款与第二十四条相对的针对性和可取性进行剖析。本文注意到自1979年以来根据授权条款通知非洲内部区域贸易协定的趋势,这与以前的做法相反。
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引用次数: 0
Interest Rate Parity with Credit Risk: Implications for Carry Trades 信用风险下的利率平价:对套息交易的影响
Pub Date : 2019-11-16 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3488456
Toby Im
The incredible profitability of the carry trade over the past six decades constitutes a puzzle for interest rate parity. Contrary to recent behavioral or friction-based approaches that explain deviations from traditional interest rate parity, I derive interest rate parity in a general arbitrage pricing model of foreign exchange with credit-risky sovereign lending and sharp currency devaluations associated with default; in particular, foreign sovereign credit risk makes forward contracts more valuable relative to standard covered interest rate parity. I calibrate the model for Mexico and the United States, and find that credit risk and currency devaluation fully account for the profitability of both the covered and uncovered carry trade. Modest default probabilities are sufficient to explain deviations from covered interest rate parity for G10 countries. I find support for the recent notion that the United States is a global provider of safe assets, via default intensities implied by currency forward contracts.
过去60年来,套息交易令人难以置信的盈利能力构成了利率平价的一个谜。与最近解释偏离传统利率平价的行为或基于摩擦的方法相反,我在具有信用风险的主权贷款和与违约相关的货币大幅贬值的外汇的一般套利定价模型中推导出利率平价;特别是,外国主权信用风险使得远期合约相对于标准担保利率平价更有价值。我对墨西哥和美国的模型进行了校准,发现信用风险和货币贬值完全解释了覆盖和未覆盖套利交易的盈利能力。适度的违约概率足以解释十国集团(G10)国家偏离担保利率平价的现象。通过货币远期合约隐含的违约强度,我发现了对最近一种观点的支持,即美国是全球安全资产的提供者。
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引用次数: 0
Detecting Sanctions Risk in Conduit Countries 监测导管国家的制裁风险
Pub Date : 2019-06-25 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3635600
Owais Zaheer
This paper is an analysis of how significant sanctions related risks emanate from conduit countries. We define conduits as jurisdictions with close geographic, trade or political links to a sanctioned country such as Iran, or sanctioned entities and activities, such as the transnational operations of globally active Russian energy firms.
本文分析了管道国家的重大制裁相关风险是如何产生的。我们将管道定义为与受制裁国家(如伊朗)或受制裁实体和活动(如活跃于全球的俄罗斯能源公司的跨国业务)具有密切地理、贸易或政治联系的司法管辖区。
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引用次数: 0
Primer: International Investment Treaties and Investor-State Dispute Settlement 入门:国际投资条约和投资者与国家争端解决
Pub Date : 2019-05-31 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3726026
Columbia University- Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment
A primer created by the Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment discussing international investment treaties and their impacts on investor-state dispute settlements.
由哥伦比亚可持续投资中心创建的入门读物,讨论国际投资条约及其对投资者与国家争端解决的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Toward a Geoeconomic Order 走向地缘经济秩序
Pub Date : 2019-05-16 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3389163
Anthea Roberts, Henrique Choer Moraes, Victor A. Ferguson
Recent developments suggest that the international economic order is transitioning away from the Neoliberal Order that has flourished for much of the post-Cold War period toward a new Geoeconomic Order. The shift to this new order, which is characterised by a growing ‘securitisation of economic policy and economisation of strategic policy,’ will likely see the rules, norms and institutions of international trade and investment law undergo significant change. We expose the differences in the underlying logic of these orders, explore how this shift is being driven by the emerging U.S.-China tech/trade war, and consider the consequences of this transition for global economic governance.
最近的事态发展表明,国际经济秩序正在从冷战后大部分时期蓬勃发展的新自由主义秩序向新的地缘经济秩序过渡。以“经济政策的证券化和战略政策的经济化”为特征的新秩序的转变,可能会使国际贸易和投资法的规则、规范和制度发生重大变化。我们揭示了这些秩序的潜在逻辑差异,探讨了这种转变是如何被新兴的美中科技/贸易战驱动的,并考虑了这种转变对全球经济治理的影响。
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引用次数: 10
Sustainable Cooperation in International Trade: A Quantitative Analysis 国际贸易可持续合作:一个定量分析
Pub Date : 2018-12-22 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3324911
Y. Mei
How does the presence of multilateral institutions affect the sustainability of trade-policy cooperation? Do free-trade agreements make multilateral cooperation less sustainable? Will countries be more likely to deviate from negotiated tariffs when more trade liberalization realizes in the future? These questions have been studied in theory literature using models that feature repeated games, but have yet to be quantitatively analyzed. In this paper, I propose a methodology to quantitatively characterize the equilibrium strategies on tariffs of various nations in a widely used repeated-game framework. I then apply this methodology to address these questions from a quantitative perspective. The numerical results computed from a reasonably comprehensive general equilibrium trade model corroborate previous analysis derived theoretically from simpler trade models. However, only free-trade agreements appear to influence the sustainability of trade-policy cooperation with quantitative significance.
多边机构的存在如何影响贸易政策合作的可持续性?自由贸易协定会使多边合作变得不可持续吗?当未来更多的贸易自由化实现时,各国是否更有可能偏离谈判的关税?这些问题已经在理论文献中使用以重复博弈为特征的模型进行了研究,但尚未进行定量分析。在本文中,我提出了一种在广泛使用的重复博弈框架中定量表征各国关税均衡策略的方法。然后,我应用这种方法从定量的角度来解决这些问题。从一个比较全面的一般均衡贸易模型计算得到的数值结果证实了以前从较简单的贸易模型得到的理论分析。然而,似乎只有自由贸易协定对贸易政策合作的可持续性有数量上的影响。
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引用次数: 5
International Economic Cooperation in Troubled Times: A Call for Strong Action by the G20 (and Letter to the Editor) (Cooperación económica internacional en tiempos difíciles: un llamado a una acción firme por parte del G20) 《困难时期的国际经济合作:二十国集团强有力行动的呼吁》(致编辑的信)
Pub Date : 2018-11-26 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3291319
Axel Berger, U. Dadush, A. Freytag, S. Evenett, Christian von Haldenwang, R. Meléndez-Ortiz, Raul Ochoa, Agustin Redonda, Karl P. Sauvant
English Abstract: This brief blog (and letter to the editor) calls on the G20 to undertake key reforms regarding trade, strengthen cooperation in tax matters and support investment policy reforms. Spanish Abstract: Este breve blog (y carta al director) pide al G20 que se comprometa a emprender reformas fundamentales de comercio, reforzar la cooperacion en cuestiones fiscales y apoyar las reformas de la politica de inversion.
摘要:这篇简短的博客(以及致编辑的信)呼吁G20在贸易方面进行关键改革,加强税收方面的合作,并支持投资政策改革。摘要:《经济学人》(以下简称《经济学人》)将二十国集团(G20)划分为“妥协与改革”、“改革与合作”、“改革与财政”、“改革与政治”。
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引用次数: 0
Corporations and Global Standards of Corporate Social Responsibility 企业与企业社会责任的全球标准
Pub Date : 2018-09-28 DOI: 10.4337/9781785362538.00032
Daniel Kinderman
This chapter provides an overview of empirical developments and scholarly debates concerning global corporate social responsibility (CSR) standards. Although global CSR standards are by no means the totality of CSR, they are arguably its most prominent, visible and well-recognized manifestations. These standards include the United Nations (UN) Global Compact, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the Global Reporting Initiative and the Carbon Disclosure Project. Three lessons emerge from this chapter. First, global CSR has grown rapidly and does not appear to have been affected by the global financial crisis. Second, its frameworks are dynamic and constantly evolving. Third, it is a contested and conflictual arena. This chapter provides an overview of: the historical backdrop to global CSR as well as the latter’s dynamic rise; John Ruggie’s role in advancing this agenda; normative and critical political economy explanations for global CSR’s ascendancy; and debates over the effectiveness of global CSR standards, as well as the relationship between global CSR and regulation. The chapter concludes with some reflections on the challenge that resurgent nationalism and authoritarian populism poses for global CSR.
本章概述了关于全球企业社会责任(CSR)标准的实证发展和学术辩论。虽然全球企业社会责任标准不是企业社会责任的全部,但它们可以说是企业社会责任最突出、最明显、最广为人知的表现形式。这些标准包括《联合国全球契约》、《联合国工商业与人权指导原则》、《全球报告倡议》和《碳信息披露项目》。这一章给我们带来了三个教训。首先,全球企业社会责任发展迅速,似乎没有受到全球金融危机的影响。第二,它的框架是动态的、不断发展的。第三,这是一个充满争议和冲突的舞台。本章概述了:全球企业社会责任产生的历史背景及其动态兴起;约翰·鲁吉在推进这一议程中的作用;全球企业社会责任优势的规范性和批判性政治经济学解释;以及关于全球企业社会责任标准有效性的争论,以及全球企业社会责任与监管之间的关系。本章最后反思了民族主义和威权民粹主义的复兴对全球企业社会责任构成的挑战。
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引用次数: 2
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SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)
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