Europeanization and party system mechanics: comparing Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro

Danica Fink-Hafner
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引用次数: 29

Abstract

About a decade ago distinctions between ‘old’ European Union (EU) members and prospective members started to be made in the literature. Pointing out differences between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ EU member states has become a common approach in the current Europeanization literature since the 2004 EU enlargement wave. By now the number of countries expressing an interest in European integration processes has grown: differences have also increased among the prospective member states. Their geopolitical statuses and internal characteristics have brought about different characteristics and dynamics in the Europeanization process which still have to be fully researched. These ‘grey zones’ include analyses of domestic factors. So far they have usually been cited in the Europeanization literature as important variables, but they are still mostly treated as ‘a black box’ or have only been partially revealed (e.g. by taking into account veto players, NGOs, domestic costs, etc.). Of course, in the search for an answer to the question why governments facing very similar EU pre-conditions behave very differently in fulfilling them it is very important to look at the whole range of relevant international, regional and domestic political characteristics. By focusing on domestic factors in this paper we seek to contribute to closing the mentioned gap in research. Our focus is further narrowed to national party system mechanics in their responses to EU demands. We hypothesize that possible explanatory variables leading to the very different characteristics seen in party system mechanics are: (a) the institutionalization of the party system; (b) the European socialization of national parties; and (c) the characteristics of voters’ attitudes to their country’s integration with the EU. The hypothesis is tested on three countries with different relations with the EU at the time of writing: Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro. While testing the hypothesis we also take into account common Europeanization (European Union) pressures and common characteristics (controlled variables) such as former communist rule, involvement in a war and a postponed transition to a democracy. For the analysis we use data gathered within the framework of several research projects
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欧化与政党制度机制:比较克罗地亚、塞尔维亚和黑山
大约十年前,人们开始在文献中区分“旧”欧盟(EU)成员国和潜在成员国。自2004年欧盟扩大浪潮以来,指出“旧”和“新”欧盟成员国之间的差异已成为当前欧洲化文献中的一种常见方法。到目前为止,表示对欧洲一体化进程感兴趣的国家数量有所增加,潜在成员国之间的分歧也有所增加。它们的地缘政治地位和内部特征决定了它们在欧洲化进程中的不同特征和动态,这些特征和动态还有待深入研究。这些“灰色地带”包括对国内因素的分析。到目前为止,它们通常在欧化文献中被引用为重要的变量,但它们仍然大多被视为“黑箱”或只被部分揭示(例如,通过考虑否决权参与者,非政府组织,国内成本等)。当然,在寻找这个问题的答案时,为什么面临非常相似的欧盟先决条件的政府在履行这些条件时表现得非常不同,这是非常重要的,看看相关的国际、地区和国内政治特征的整个范围。通过对国内因素的关注,我们试图为缩小上述研究差距做出贡献。我们的重点进一步缩小到各国政党制度机制对欧盟要求的回应。我们假设,导致政党制度机制中所见的非常不同特征的可能解释变量是:(a)政党制度的制度化;(b)各国政党的欧洲社会化;(c)选民对本国与欧盟一体化的态度特征。在撰写本文时,这一假设在克罗地亚、塞尔维亚和黑山这三个与欧盟关系不同的国家进行了检验。在检验这一假设的同时,我们还考虑了共同的欧洲化(欧盟)压力和共同的特征(受控变量),如前共产主义统治、卷入战争和向民主过渡的推迟。为了进行分析,我们使用了在几个研究项目框架内收集的数据
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