The politics of South Atlantic security: a survey of proposals for a South Atlantic Treaty Organization

A. Hurrell
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引用次数: 24

Abstract

The recent conflict between Britain and Argentina transformed the South Atlantic into an area of major international concern. It also underlined the extent to which the region had been generally neglected by both policymakers and academics. It is true that since the early 1970s interest in the region had been growing for a variety of reasons: anxiety in Washington over increased Soviet naval capabilities; continuing political instability and uncertainty in southern Africa; increased awareness of the importance of undersea resources; concern over the future status of Antarctica. Despite these factors, the literature on the region remains uneven. There is a large literature dealing with the strategic importance of the Cape route and an even larger one dealing with the growth of Soviet naval capabilities. Yet relatively little attention has been paid to the task of relating Western concern for South Atlantic security to the interests and perceptions of the major Latin American states, particularly Argentina and Brazil.1 This paper will examine these interests and perceptions and will try and present a broad overview of the major elements in the South Atlantic jigsaw puzzle. It will focus on the various proposals that have been made for the formation of a South Atlantic Treaty Organization. For the purposes of this discussion, the South Atlantic can be defined as that part of the Atlantic ocean south of the Tropic of Cancer, the southern limit of NATO. In talking about a South Atlantic Treaty Organization I will refer to all moves aimed at developing a more tightly-knit multilateral system of South Atlantic defence along NATO lines-moves that have at various times involved the United States, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, South Africa and Uruguay. In one important sense, however, the focus on 'SATO' is misleading: as I will argue, the divergence of views amongst the supposed members of a South Atlantic pact has been so great that its formation was always highly improbable. Nevertheless, the subject is worth examining in more detail for three reasons. First, because despite being pronounced dead on so many occasions, the idea of a South Atlantic pact has simply refused to die. It appears to have an intuitive logic that many a strategist finds unchallengeable. Secondly, because recent differences between the United States and its Latin American neighbours over the South Atlantic are indicative of wider problems in US-Latin American relations, indeed perhaps in American policy towards the Third World as a whole. Thirdly, because now that the Falklands conflict is over and attention is being focussed on the problem of constructing a durable settlement in the region, it is important to have a clearer understanding of exactly how attitudes and policies towards the South Atlantic have
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南大西洋安全政治:南大西洋条约组织提案综述
最近英国和阿根廷之间的冲突把南大西洋变成了一个主要国际关注的地区。它还突显出,该地区在多大程度上被政策制定者和学术界普遍忽视。诚然,自上世纪70年代初以来,出于各种原因,人们对该地区的兴趣一直在增长:华盛顿对苏联海军实力增强感到焦虑;南部非洲持续的政治不稳定和不确定;提高对海底资源重要性的认识;对南极洲未来地位的关注。尽管有这些因素,关于该地区的文献仍然参差不齐。有大量的文献论述了开普航线的战略重要性,还有更多的文献论述了苏联海军实力的增长。然而,将西方对南大西洋安全的关注与拉美主要国家(特别是阿根廷和巴西)的利益和看法联系起来的任务却相对较少。本文将研究这些利益和看法,并试图对南大西洋拼图中的主要因素进行广泛的概述。会议将集中讨论为建立一个南大西洋公约组织而提出的各种建议。为了讨论的目的,南大西洋可以定义为北回归线以南的大西洋部分,即北约的南部边界。在谈到南大西洋条约组织时,我将提及旨在沿着北约路线发展一个更紧密的南大西洋防务多边体系的所有行动- -美国、巴西、阿根廷、智利、南非和乌拉圭在不同时期参与的行动。然而,在一个重要的意义上,对“佐藤”的关注是误导性的:正如我将论证的那样,南大西洋公约的假定成员之间的观点分歧如此之大,以至于它的形成总是极不可能的。然而,出于三个原因,这个问题值得更详细地研究。首先,因为尽管在许多场合被宣布死亡,但南大西洋协定的想法就是拒绝死亡。它似乎有一种直觉逻辑,许多战略家认为这是不可挑战的。其次,因为最近美国与其在南大西洋的拉丁美洲邻国之间的分歧表明了美国与拉丁美洲关系中更广泛的问题,实际上可能是美国对整个第三世界的政策。第三,由于现在福克兰群岛冲突已经结束,人们的注意力正集中于在该地区建立持久解决办法的问题,因此必须更清楚地了解对南大西洋的态度和政策究竟是如何变化的
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