Probleme de datare a armelor balcanice din sec. XVIII-XIX aflate pe teritoriul actual al Romaniei / Issues Relating to the Dating of the Balkan Arms from the 18th–19th Centuries on the Current Territory of Romania

Zoran Marcov
{"title":"Probleme de datare a armelor balcanice din sec. XVIII-XIX aflate pe teritoriul actual al Romaniei / Issues Relating to the Dating of the Balkan Arms from the 18th–19th Centuries on the Current Territory of Romania","authors":"Zoran Marcov","doi":"10.55201/uuww2196","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"e central aspect clari\"ed in our research is the one related to the dating of the Balkan weapons of the 18th–19thcenturies identi\"ed on the current territory of Romania. First of all, the causes that led to an erroneous dating of the Balkan pieces in the Romanian literature, especially during the communist period, must be mentioned. Given the fact that the international bibliography in the \"eld of Balkan weapons was at its beginnings, being inaccessible to Romanian researchers, in order to date the Balkan weapons in our country we used the general western chronology for the periodization of the evolution of hand-held weapons, a timeline that does not correspond to the realities of the Balkan Peninsula, in particular of the Eastern territory in general. In the Balkans area, technological innovations such as the percussion cap mechanism had a poor and delayed penetration, as the technological gap between the West and the Balkans was of almost a century. is existing gap between workshops in the Balkan Peninsula and Western Europe has not been addressed by the older Romanian literature. Another reason that led to an erroneous dating of the pieces in our museums was the “custom” of Balkan workshops to copy Italian weapons from the 18th century during the 19th century. It is well known that Balkan workshops purchased weapon components, in particular pipes and detonating mechanisms, from the West, especially from Northern Italy. In the Balkan Peninsula of that period (18th–19th centuries), European production pipes were imported, and sometimes also the wooden components of weapons. Many times the Balkan workshops only assembled and decorated the weapons, and the only indigenous elements were the decorations applied to the weapons. In the Balkans, another practice was used on a large scale, which overturned researchers’ analyses: falsifying inscriptions. e temptation of large incomes led many of the local gunsmiths to engrave, especially on gun butt, the names of famous Italian gunsmiths from the 18th–19th centuries, which makes it di#cult to date those pieces. We have a special situation in cases where inscriptions made from symbols and letters without any logic have been identi\"ed. Modern research believes that in these cases we are dealing with the “work” of illiterate craftsmen, who were addressing equally illiterate clients. e problem of engravings “copied” by illiterate craftsmen is also encountered in the Balkan territory in the case of yataghan production, but we cannot speak of a widespread practice. Another problem in the dating of the Balkan weapons is the massive importation of \"nished parts from the West, made especially for the Eastern and Balkan markets, given that the weapons specially manufactured for export were made to the tastes of the Balkan customers – respecting the typology and appearance of those from the 18th century. Returning to the dating of the Balkan weapons identi\"ed in the territory of Romania, very few of the analysed weapons, except for the yataghans, keep the year of manufacturing. e best situation is in the case of yataghans, where, out of the 59 pieces analysed in our research, 19 of the pieces still have the year of manufacturing damascened on the blade. All the pieces studied fall within the last decades of the 18th century and the second half of the 19th century. In terms of \"rearms, a very small number of pieces preserve the year of manufacturing, which does not allow us to carry out an edifying statistical analysis. Of the pieces studied, the years of manufacturing are engraved on a single pistol and on a single ri$e, namely 1814 and 1865, respectively. Under these conditions, Balkan \"rearms held in our country’s museums can only be dated generally between the second half of the 18thcentury and the second half of the 19th century. By analysing the situation of the dated yataghans, we can make a realistic assessment of the periods of Balkanweapons from the current territory of Romania. Out of the 19 dated yataghans, most come from the early decades of the 19th century, 12 pieces (63%), followed by the yataghans dating back to the second half of the 19th century, 4 pieces (21%), while the yataghans dating back to the last decades of the 18th century hold the smallest share, counting only 3 pieces (16%). Although the small number of dated yataghans (19 of the total of 59 weapons investigated) is not representative of the whole country, the results of our analysis are in line with the situation of yataghans kept in the large weapon collections in Belgrade and Zagreb. Speci\"cally, we refer to the share held by the yataghans dated in the \"rst half of the 19th century, the most numerous of which are kept in our museums and from this point of view the situation is the same as that of the Military Museum in Belgrade and the Croatian History Museum of Zagreb. e di/erences found compared to the situation in Romania result in the much smaller gap between this group of yataghans and those of the second half of the 19th century, namely from the last decades of the 18th century. e large number of weapons made in the \"rst half of the 19th century must be linked to the more than di#cult political situation of the European part of the Ottoman Empire at that time. e need for arming became a necessity in the years of the “Serbian Revolution” of 1804–1835, a multi-stage anti-Ottoman movement that materialized with the establishment of an autonomous Serbian Principality within the Ottoman Empire. In the same line with the anti-Ottoman movement in Serbia, the Greek Independence War took place between 1821–1829, which ended with the recognition of the independence of the new Greek State by the great European powers. A con$ict situation was also faced by Bosnia in 1831, but its character was di/erent, as the Bosnians stood up against the reforms made by the central authorities of Istanbul. All these con$icts in the Balkans required massive arming and generated an important weapon production, a fact re$ected in the dating of the Yataghans existing on the territory of Romania. Analysing from a comparative point of view the situation of yataghan dating with that of the Balkan \"rearms, related and most of all, contemporary weapons, we can propose an assimilation regarding the periodization of white weapons with the \"rearms. erefore, it can be appreciated that the vast majority of the Balkan \"rearms existing in Romania, derived from the same sources as the white ones, can be dated in the \"rst half of the 19thcentury, according to the great e/ervescence in the Balkan weapon production level, the regional political situation being presented in the paragraphs above.","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.55201/uuww2196","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

e central aspect clari"ed in our research is the one related to the dating of the Balkan weapons of the 18th–19thcenturies identi"ed on the current territory of Romania. First of all, the causes that led to an erroneous dating of the Balkan pieces in the Romanian literature, especially during the communist period, must be mentioned. Given the fact that the international bibliography in the "eld of Balkan weapons was at its beginnings, being inaccessible to Romanian researchers, in order to date the Balkan weapons in our country we used the general western chronology for the periodization of the evolution of hand-held weapons, a timeline that does not correspond to the realities of the Balkan Peninsula, in particular of the Eastern territory in general. In the Balkans area, technological innovations such as the percussion cap mechanism had a poor and delayed penetration, as the technological gap between the West and the Balkans was of almost a century. is existing gap between workshops in the Balkan Peninsula and Western Europe has not been addressed by the older Romanian literature. Another reason that led to an erroneous dating of the pieces in our museums was the “custom” of Balkan workshops to copy Italian weapons from the 18th century during the 19th century. It is well known that Balkan workshops purchased weapon components, in particular pipes and detonating mechanisms, from the West, especially from Northern Italy. In the Balkan Peninsula of that period (18th–19th centuries), European production pipes were imported, and sometimes also the wooden components of weapons. Many times the Balkan workshops only assembled and decorated the weapons, and the only indigenous elements were the decorations applied to the weapons. In the Balkans, another practice was used on a large scale, which overturned researchers’ analyses: falsifying inscriptions. e temptation of large incomes led many of the local gunsmiths to engrave, especially on gun butt, the names of famous Italian gunsmiths from the 18th–19th centuries, which makes it di#cult to date those pieces. We have a special situation in cases where inscriptions made from symbols and letters without any logic have been identi"ed. Modern research believes that in these cases we are dealing with the “work” of illiterate craftsmen, who were addressing equally illiterate clients. e problem of engravings “copied” by illiterate craftsmen is also encountered in the Balkan territory in the case of yataghan production, but we cannot speak of a widespread practice. Another problem in the dating of the Balkan weapons is the massive importation of "nished parts from the West, made especially for the Eastern and Balkan markets, given that the weapons specially manufactured for export were made to the tastes of the Balkan customers – respecting the typology and appearance of those from the 18th century. Returning to the dating of the Balkan weapons identi"ed in the territory of Romania, very few of the analysed weapons, except for the yataghans, keep the year of manufacturing. e best situation is in the case of yataghans, where, out of the 59 pieces analysed in our research, 19 of the pieces still have the year of manufacturing damascened on the blade. All the pieces studied fall within the last decades of the 18th century and the second half of the 19th century. In terms of "rearms, a very small number of pieces preserve the year of manufacturing, which does not allow us to carry out an edifying statistical analysis. Of the pieces studied, the years of manufacturing are engraved on a single pistol and on a single ri$e, namely 1814 and 1865, respectively. Under these conditions, Balkan "rearms held in our country’s museums can only be dated generally between the second half of the 18thcentury and the second half of the 19th century. By analysing the situation of the dated yataghans, we can make a realistic assessment of the periods of Balkanweapons from the current territory of Romania. Out of the 19 dated yataghans, most come from the early decades of the 19th century, 12 pieces (63%), followed by the yataghans dating back to the second half of the 19th century, 4 pieces (21%), while the yataghans dating back to the last decades of the 18th century hold the smallest share, counting only 3 pieces (16%). Although the small number of dated yataghans (19 of the total of 59 weapons investigated) is not representative of the whole country, the results of our analysis are in line with the situation of yataghans kept in the large weapon collections in Belgrade and Zagreb. Speci"cally, we refer to the share held by the yataghans dated in the "rst half of the 19th century, the most numerous of which are kept in our museums and from this point of view the situation is the same as that of the Military Museum in Belgrade and the Croatian History Museum of Zagreb. e di/erences found compared to the situation in Romania result in the much smaller gap between this group of yataghans and those of the second half of the 19th century, namely from the last decades of the 18th century. e large number of weapons made in the "rst half of the 19th century must be linked to the more than di#cult political situation of the European part of the Ottoman Empire at that time. e need for arming became a necessity in the years of the “Serbian Revolution” of 1804–1835, a multi-stage anti-Ottoman movement that materialized with the establishment of an autonomous Serbian Principality within the Ottoman Empire. In the same line with the anti-Ottoman movement in Serbia, the Greek Independence War took place between 1821–1829, which ended with the recognition of the independence of the new Greek State by the great European powers. A con$ict situation was also faced by Bosnia in 1831, but its character was di/erent, as the Bosnians stood up against the reforms made by the central authorities of Istanbul. All these con$icts in the Balkans required massive arming and generated an important weapon production, a fact re$ected in the dating of the Yataghans existing on the territory of Romania. Analysing from a comparative point of view the situation of yataghan dating with that of the Balkan "rearms, related and most of all, contemporary weapons, we can propose an assimilation regarding the periodization of white weapons with the "rearms. erefore, it can be appreciated that the vast majority of the Balkan "rearms existing in Romania, derived from the same sources as the white ones, can be dated in the "rst half of the 19thcentury, according to the great e/ervescence in the Balkan weapon production level, the regional political situation being presented in the paragraphs above.
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我们在研究中明确的一个中心方面是与在罗马尼亚目前领土上发现的18 - 19世纪巴尔干武器的年代有关的方面。首先,必须提到导致罗马尼亚文学中巴尔干作品年代错误的原因,特别是在共产主义时期。鉴于巴尔干武器领域的国际参考文献才刚刚开始,罗马尼亚研究人员无法获得,为了确定我国巴尔干武器的年代,我们使用了一般的西方年表来对手持武器的演变进行分期,这一年表不符合巴尔干半岛,特别是东部领土的实际情况。在巴尔干地区,由于西方与巴尔干地区之间的技术差距将近一个世纪,诸如冲击盖机制等技术创新的渗透性较差且较晚。他在巴尔干半岛和西欧的讲习班之间存在的差距并没有在旧的罗马尼亚文献中得到解决。导致我们博物馆藏品年代错误的另一个原因是巴尔干作坊在19世纪仿制18世纪意大利武器的“习俗”。众所周知,巴尔干工厂从西方,特别是从意大利北部购买武器部件,特别是管道和引爆装置。在那个时期(18 - 19世纪)的巴尔干半岛,进口欧洲生产的管道,有时也进口武器的木制部件。很多时候,巴尔干作坊只是组装和装饰武器,唯一的本土元素是武器上的装饰。在巴尔干半岛,另一种大规模使用的做法推翻了研究人员的分析:伪造铭文。由于收入丰厚的诱惑,许多当地的枪匠都把18 - 19世纪意大利著名枪匠的名字刻在上面,尤其是在枪托上,这使得确定这些枪的年代变得不那么流行了。我们有一种特殊的情况,即由符号和字母组成的没有任何逻辑的铭文被识别出来。现代研究认为,在这些案例中,我们面对的是文盲工匠的“作品”,他们面对的是同样不识字的客户。在巴尔干地区的yataghan生产中,文盲工匠“复制”版画的问题也遇到过,但我们不能说这是一种普遍的做法。确定巴尔干武器年代的另一个问题是从西方大量进口“成品零件”,这些零件是专门为东部和巴尔干市场制造的,因为专门为出口而制造的武器是根据巴尔干客户的口味制造的- -尊重18世纪武器的类型和外观。回到在罗马尼亚境内发现的巴尔干武器的年代问题上,除了yataghan外,经分析的武器很少能保留制造年份。最好的情况是yataghans,在我们的研究中分析的59个零件中,有19个零件的叶片上仍然有制造年份的痕迹。所有被研究的作品都发生在18世纪最后几十年和19世纪下半叶。就“重制武器”而言,只有很少一部分保留了制造年份,这使我们无法进行有启发性的统计分析。在所研究的武器中,有一把手枪和一把手枪上分别刻有生产年份,分别是1814年和1865年。在这种情况下,我国博物馆中保存的巴尔干“武器”一般只能追溯到18世纪下半叶至19世纪下半叶之间。通过分析过时的亚塔格汉的情况,我们可以对来自罗马尼亚目前领土的巴尔干武器的时期作出现实的评估。在19个确定日期的yataghan中,大多数来自19世纪早期,有12件(63%),其次是19世纪下半叶的yataghan,有4件(21%),而18世纪最后几十年的yataghan所占的份额最小,只有3件(16%)。虽然少数有年代的亚塔格罕武器(调查的59件武器中有19件)不能代表全国,但我们的分析结果与贝尔格莱德和萨格勒布大型武器收藏中保存的亚塔格罕武器的情况相符。具体而言,我们指的是19世纪下半叶的亚塔格汉所持有的份额,其中大多数保存在我们的博物馆中,从这一点来看,情况与贝尔格莱德军事博物馆和萨格勒布克罗地亚历史博物馆的情况相同。 与罗马尼亚的情况相比,我们所发现的差异导致这群亚塔汗与19世纪下半叶,即18世纪最后几十年的亚塔汗之间的差距要小得多。19世纪下半叶制造的大量武器肯定与当时奥斯曼帝国欧洲部分的极端政治局势有关。在1804年至1835年的“塞尔维亚革命”期间,武装的需求成为必要。这是一场多阶段的反奥斯曼运动,最终在奥斯曼帝国内部建立了一个自治的塞尔维亚公国。与塞尔维亚的反奥斯曼运动相同,希腊独立战争发生在1821年至1829年之间,以欧洲列强承认新希腊国家的独立而告终。1831年波斯尼亚也面临冲突局势,但其性质不同,因为波斯尼亚人站起来反对伊斯坦布尔中央当局进行的改革。巴尔干半岛的所有这些冲突都需要大量武装,并产生了重要的武器生产,这一事实反映在罗马尼亚领土上存在的亚塔汗人的年代。从比较的角度分析yataghan的情况与巴尔干“重新武装”的情况,相关的,最重要的是,当代武器,我们可以提出关于白色武器与“重新武装”的分期的同化。因此,可以理解的是,根据巴尔干武器生产水平的巨大变化以及上文各段所述的区域政治局势,罗马尼亚境内现存的绝大多数巴尔干武器与白色武器的来源相同,可以追溯到19世纪下半叶。 与罗马尼亚的情况相比,我们所发现的差异导致这群亚塔汗与19世纪下半叶,即18世纪最后几十年的亚塔汗之间的差距要小得多。19世纪下半叶制造的大量武器肯定与当时奥斯曼帝国欧洲部分的极端政治局势有关。在1804年至1835年的“塞尔维亚革命”期间,武装的需求成为必要。这是一场多阶段的反奥斯曼运动,最终在奥斯曼帝国内部建立了一个自治的塞尔维亚公国。与塞尔维亚的反奥斯曼运动相同,希腊独立战争发生在1821年至1829年之间,以欧洲列强承认新希腊国家的独立而告终。1831年波斯尼亚也面临冲突局势,但其性质不同,因为波斯尼亚人站起来反对伊斯坦布尔中央当局进行的改革。巴尔干半岛的所有这些冲突都需要大量武装,并产生了重要的武器生产,这一事实反映在罗马尼亚领土上存在的亚塔汗人的年代。从比较的角度分析yataghan的情况与巴尔干“重新武装”的情况,相关的,最重要的是,当代武器,我们可以提出关于白色武器与“重新武装”的分期的同化。因此,可以理解的是,根据巴尔干武器生产水平的巨大变化以及上文各段所述的区域政治局势,罗马尼亚境内现存的绝大多数巴尔干武器与白色武器的来源相同,可以追溯到19世纪下半叶。
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