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Analele Banatului XXVI 2018最新文献

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Eglise et Etat dans l’Illyrie protobyzantine a la lumiere des sources epigraphiques et litteraires (VIe-VIIe siecles) 根据碑文和文字资料(6 - 7世纪),原始拜占庭伊利里亚的教会和国家
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/tvxx8110
R. M. Feraru
e present study examines the relationship between the Church and the state in the prefecture of Illyricum, in the VI-VII centuries. It aims to discuss the bishops’ roles and attributes in the cities of proto-Byzantine Illyricum, as well as their relationship with the municipal and provincial authorities. e research is based on the analysis of literary (Miracula Sancti Demetrii) and epigraphic sources. e Code of Justinian (527–565) highlights the important place of the bishop in the city. In the Byzantine cities of Illyricum, the bishop heads the council of municipal notables and is considered their natural representative. He intermediates between the seat of central power and the municipal administration. A series of inscriptions discovered at Izbičanj (in Serbia), Serdica (So#a), Tesalonic, Gortyna (Creta) and on the island of Skiathos provide us with information on the bishops’ participation in the execution of urban public works. In the context of the invasion of the Balkan Peninsula by Avars and Slavs, the bishops of essaloniki take upon themselves the roles usually played by the municipal and imperial authorities, in that they assure the protection of the population and organize resistance against the invaders. In 535, Emperor Justinian creates the autocephalous archbishopric Justiniana Prima.
本研究考察了六至七世纪伊利里库姆州教会与国家之间的关系。它的目的是讨论主教的角色和属性在原拜占庭伊利里姆的城市,以及他们与市级和省级当局的关系。我们的研究是基于对文学(Miracula Sancti Demetrii)和碑文来源的分析。查士丁尼法典(527-565)强调了主教在城市中的重要地位。在伊利里库姆的拜占庭城市里,主教领导着市政名流会议,被认为是他们的自然代表。他介于中央权力中心和市政当局之间。在izbianj(塞尔维亚)、Serdica (So# A)、Tesalonic、Gortyna(克里塔)和Skiathos岛上发现的一系列铭文为我们提供了主教参与执行城市公共工程的信息。在阿瓦尔人和斯拉夫人入侵巴尔干半岛的情况下,埃萨洛尼基的主教们承担了通常由市政和帝国当局扮演的角色,即确保保护居民并组织抵抗侵略者。公元535年,查士丁尼皇帝建立了独立的大主教区查士丁尼亚纳·普里马。
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引用次数: 0
Alexandru Madgearu, The Asanids: the political and military history of the second Bulgarian empire (1185–1280), Targovişte, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2014, 332 p.
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/hmbn3544
M. Horvat
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引用次数: 0
Timişoara – Bucureşti – Istanbul: o „vanătoare” de lotri din Banat la 1800 / Timişoara – Bucharest – Istanbul: “hunting” robbers (lotri) from the region of Banat in 1800
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/rdek6778
Costin Feneșan
Starting with 1792, three gangs of robbers, mostly consisting of former soldiers from the Wallachian-Illyric Borderregiment and of peasants from several villages of the Caraş and Timiş counties next to the mountains, have increased their attacks putting the common folk and travellers security in great danger. While operating in the mountains on the Banatian side during spring and summer, the robbers retreated in late autumn and winter to different villages of Walachia, in the counties of Mehedinţi, Gorj and Vâlcea, and even to the Ottoman ruled territory, at Ada Kaleh and Tekije. Trying to put an end to this situation, the Banatian Military Command in cooperation with the Timiş county decided to send, in April 1800, George Császár, regional commissioner for public security, to Bucharest, escorted by 19 armed guards (the so-called Panduren), in order to pursue, catch and %nally obtain the extradition of the Banatian robbers hidden in Wallachia. Michael Merkelius, the Austrian diplomatic agent in Bucharest, had spoken for several times on this matter to Prince Alexander Moruzi of Wallachia, but disappointed of being constantly postponed, he suggested to commissioner Császár to take a trip to Istanbul and describe the entire matter to Peter Philipp Herbert baron Rathkeal, imperial ambassador to the Ottoman Porte. After having put the Ottoman Governement under pressure, Herbert-Rathkeal earned, on August 9 1800, an order (ferman) of sultan Selim III to Prince Alexander Moruzi, granting him the extradition of all Banatian robbers settled down in Wallachia after the peace treaty of Șiştov (1791). Compelled towards being more cooperative, Prince Moruzi ordered the county-chiefs on the border to the Banat to conduct a thorough watch on the bordercrossing to Wallachia by any robber and to track, hunt down and capture every single robber. Having returned to Bucharest, commissioner Császár left the city at the end of September 1800, taking with him the sultanic ferman and a written order of Prince Moruzi regarding the Banatian robbers. On the way to Transylvania the precious documents were irremediably damaged by water and had to be replaced by newones. As for the robbers, they continued to carry on with their attacks for at least half a century, without being seriously disturbed by the authorities on both sides of the border.
从1792年开始,三个强盗团伙增加了他们的袭击,使平民和旅行者的安全处于极大的危险之中,这些强盗团伙主要由来自瓦拉几亚-伊利里亚边境团的前士兵和靠近山区的卡拉伊和蒂米茨县的几个村庄的农民组成。春季和夏季,强盗们在巴纳提亚一侧的山区活动,深秋和冬季,他们撤退到Walachia的不同村庄,Mehedinţi、Gorj和v lcea县,甚至撤退到奥斯曼统治的领土Ada Kaleh和Tekije。为了制止这种情况,巴纳提亚军事指挥部与蒂米齐亚县合作,决定于1800年4月派遣地区治安专员乔治Császár在19名武装警卫(所谓的潘杜伦)的护送下前往布加勒斯特,以追捕、抓获并最终引渡藏匿在瓦拉几亚的巴纳提亚强盗。奥地利驻布加勒斯特的外交代表迈克尔·梅克留斯(Michael Merkelius)曾多次向瓦拉几亚(Wallachia)的亚历山大·莫鲁齐(Alexander Moruzi)王子谈及此事,但对一再被推迟感到失望,他建议专员Császár前往伊斯坦布尔,向帝国驻奥斯曼帝国港口的大使彼得·菲利普·赫伯特·男爵拉特基尔(Peter Philipp Herbert baron Rathkeal)描述整个事情。在对奥斯曼政府施加压力后,赫伯特-拉斯基尔于1800年8月9日获得了苏丹塞利姆三世对亚历山大·莫鲁齐王子的命令(费曼),允许他引渡Șiştov(1791)和平条约后定居在瓦拉几亚的所有巴纳提亚强盗。莫鲁齐王子被迫更加合作,他命令巴纳特边境的郡守严密监视通往瓦拉几亚边境的任何强盗,并追踪、追捕和捕获每一个强盗。回到布加勒斯特后,专员Császár于1800年9月底离开了这座城市,带走了苏丹总督和莫鲁齐王子关于巴纳提亚强盗的书面命令。在前往特兰西瓦尼亚的途中,这些珍贵的文件被水不可挽回地损坏了,不得不换上新的。至于强盗,他们继续进行了至少半个世纪的袭击,没有受到边境双方当局的严重干扰。
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引用次数: 0
Iconografia Sfantului Florian pe medalioanele steagurilor istorice. Studiu comparativ / The Iconography of Saint Florian on the Medallions of Historical Flags. Comparative study. Comparative study
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/pqgk1833
Hedy M-Kiss
In this paper, the author presents a comparative study on the medallions of 9 historical !ags of "re-"ghters, wheelwrights and farriers from di#erent towns in Timiș County. %e iconographic study of the medallions, exclusively those dedicated to the spiritual patron, Saint Florian, contains data about the morphological structure of composition, the symbolic elements represented, chromatic, execution technique and the current state of conservation according to age, functional wear and way of preservation. Saint Florian is associated, in the Central and Eastern Europe, with the extinction of "re. %e Saint is depicted in clothing of a Roman centurion commander (company), holding a red !ag in a hand and with the other one pouring water from a wash tub on a building in !ames. Only in three localities from Banat is found the statue representing Saint Florian: Jimbolia, Aradul Nou and Zădăreni. %e civil volunteer "re-"ghters brigade (Önkéntes Polgári Tűzoltókar) from Arad, the "rst one of its kind in Banat, established in 1861 among its rules, that the "re-"ghter !ag must depict Saint Florian as well as the text „Egy Mindnyájunkrt, Mindnyájant Egyért” (One for All, All for One).
本文对蒂米诺特县不同城镇的9个“re-”女、车匠和马车夫的历史纪念章进行了比较研究。对纪念章的肖像学研究,特别是那些献给精神守护神圣弗洛里安的纪念章,包含了关于组成的形态结构、所代表的象征元素、色彩、制作技术以及根据年代、功能磨损和保存方式的保护现状的数据。在中欧和东欧,圣弗洛里安与罗马人的灭绝联系在一起。圣弗洛里安被描绘成穿着罗马百夫长指挥官(连)的衣服,一只手拿着一个红色的盘子,另一只手从洗澡盆里把水倒在埃姆斯的一栋建筑上。只有在巴纳特的三个地方发现了代表圣弗洛里安的雕像:Jimbolia, Aradul Nou和z德洛雷尼。来自阿拉德的民间志愿者“re-”女儿旅(Önkéntes Polgári Tűzoltókar)是巴纳特的第一个此类组织,于1861年在其规则中成立,“re-”女儿旅必须描绘圣弗洛里安以及文本“Egy Mindnyájunkrt, Mindnyájant egy”(人人为我,人人为我)。
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引用次数: 0
Surface and Low Altitude Surveys on the Military Vici from Sălaj County (Dacia Porolissensis) / Cercetări de suprafaţă şi de joasă altitudine la vici militari din judeţul Sălaj (Dacia Porolissensis)
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/rone9270
Horaţiu Cociș
Așezările civilie care apar, funcţionează și se dezvoltă lângă castrele auxiliare s-au constituit de-a lungul deceniilor în direcţii explicite de cercetare. Situaţia acestor așezări aferente castrelor din provincia romană limitrofă Dacia Porolissensis este încă la un nivel incipient și speculativ. Prezentul studiu cuanti&că o serie de cercetări perieghetice întreprinse în zonele așezărilor civile de lângă castrele auxiliare de la Buciumi (com. Buciumi), Românași (com. Românași), Brusturi-Romita (com. Creaca) respectiv Tihău (com. Surduc). Deși pentru &ecare dintre ele există informaţii mai mult sau mai puţin relevante despre localizarea lor, lipsa unei cercetări intensive de suprafaţă cât și o cartare a extensiei ceramicii au fost motivele pentru care ne-am propus, în această primă fază, reluarea problematicii. Agricultura intensivă practicată în toate cazurile menţionate ne-a facilitat cercetarea de teren, &ind în &nal identi&cate perimetrele teoretice ale acestor vici militares. Cartările au fost făcute utilizând un GPS RTK Hi-Target V90, &ind înregistrate în totalitate concentraţiile de ceramică observabile la suprafaţă, utilizând un sistem de griduri. Pe baza punctelor obţinute s-au calculat în a doua fază densităţile acestor concentraţii de fragmente ceramice, obţinând astfel modele geostatistice bazate pe densitatea materialului. Nu în ultimul rând, suprafaţa astfel identi&-cată a fost supusă unor procedee de fotogra&ere aeriană pentru a obţine ulterior modele digitale 3D ale terenului, cu un grad de &delitate ridicat, cât și pentru a încerca identi&carea, pe cât este posibil, a noi structuri pe baza diferenţei de elevaţie. Limitele metodelor sunt evidente, ele reprezentând strict distribuţia materialului pe suprafaţa așezărilor și modelarea 3D a suprafeţelor cercetate.
几十年来,在辅助城堡旁边出现、发挥作用和发展的民间定居点已成为明确的研究方向。在邻近的罗马达契亚波罗利西省,这些与城堡相关的居民点的情况仍处于萌芽和推测阶段。本研究对布库米(Buciumi)、罗曼纳西(Românași)、布鲁斯图里-罗米塔(Brusturi-Romita)(Creaca)和蒂赫乌(Tihău)(Surduc)辅助城堡附近的居民点进行了一系列量化调查。虽然每个遗址都有或多或少的相关位置信息,但由于缺乏深入的地表研究和陶器分布图的绘制,我们建议在第一阶段继续研究这一问题。在所有提到的案例中,密集的农业活动为我们的实地研究提供了便利,并且最终确定了这些军事遗址的理论范围。我们使用全球定位系统 RTK Hi-Target V90 进行了测绘,并使用网格系统记录了在地表观察到的所有陶瓷浓度。根据所获得的点,在第二阶段计算了这些陶瓷碎片集中地的密度,从而获得了基于材料密度的地质统计模型。最后但并非最不重要的是,对确定的地表进行了航空摄影测量,以获得高精度的地形三维数字模型,并尽可能根据高差确定新的结构。这些方法的局限性是显而易见的,因为它们严格代表了住区表面的物质分布和勘测表面的三维模型。
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引用次数: 1
Die Siebenburgischen Besitztumsverhaltnisse des Furstlichen Arztes und Rates Georg (Giorgio) Blandrata / Posesiunile din Transilvania ale doctorului şi consilierului princiar George (Giorgio) Blandrata
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/kzkm1157
Costin Feneșan
George (Giorgio) Blandrata (născut în 1515 la Saluzzo; mort în 1588 la Alba Iulia) a ajuns, după studii de medicină la universităţile din Montpellier, Pavia și Bologna, în Transilvania, ca medic personal și consilier privat al reginei Isabella și a %ului ei Ioan Sigismund, activând acolo între 1544 și 1551. În această primă perioadă a prezenţei sale în Transilvania, Blandrata nu a bene%ciat de dania vreunei proprietăţi imobiliare (moșie, casă etc.). Situaţia s-a schimbat însă odată cu revenirea sa în Transilvania (1563), ca medic personal și consilier privat al principelui Ioan Sigismund. În această calitate din urmă, Blandrata s-a implicat, din însărcinarea principelui, în rezolvarea con*ictului interconfesional din Transilvania și deopotrivă în relaţiile principatului cu Habsburgii. Ca recompensă a meritelor sale, principele i-a donat în 1564 moșiile Cergău Mare, Cergău Mic și Cristian, toate a*ate în comitatul Alba de Jos. Se pare că tot Ioan Sigismund i-ar % dăruit lui Blandrata și moșia Micești din apropiere de Alba Iulia. Italianul a reușit să trecă apoi cu o remarcabilă iscusinţă și în slujba noului principe, Ștefan Báthory. Ca emisar al acestuia pe lângă Dieta de la Varșovia (1575), a contribuit la alegerea lui Báthory ca rege al Poloniei. Drept răsplată, acesta i-a dăruit în 1576 moșia Buzd din comitatul Alba (în anexă se publică documentele legate de această danie). Serviciile pe care Blandrata i le-a adus apoi principelui Cristofor Báthory au fost răsplătite de acesta cu donarea moșiei Chinteni din comitatul Cluj și a jumătate din moșiile Tibru și Băgara din comitatul Alba de Jos. În afară de aceste moșii – pe care Blandrata le-a vândut în cursul vremii –, versatilul italian a mai deţinut case de piatră la Alba Iulia și Aiud și un fâneţ foarte aproape de Alba Iulia. În testamentul din 1 aprilie 1588, pe care Blandrata l-a întocmit cu foarte puţin timp înainte de moartea sa suspectă (se bănuiește că ar % fost sufocat de Giorgio, %ul fratelui său Alfonso), el mai deţinea ca bunuri imobiliare doar casa și fânaţul din Alba Iulia. O explicaţie ar putea % faptul că, dorind să se întoarcă în Italia natală, Blandrata și-ar % transformat averea imobiliară în bani-peșin.
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引用次数: 0
Probleme de datare a armelor balcanice din sec. XVIII-XIX aflate pe teritoriul actual al Romaniei / Issues Relating to the Dating of the Balkan Arms from the 18th–19th Centuries on the Current Territory of Romania
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/uuww2196
Zoran Marcov
e central aspect clari"ed in our research is the one related to the dating of the Balkan weapons of the 18th–19thcenturies identi"ed on the current territory of Romania. First of all, the causes that led to an erroneous dating of the Balkan pieces in the Romanian literature, especially during the communist period, must be mentioned. Given the fact that the international bibliography in the "eld of Balkan weapons was at its beginnings, being inaccessible to Romanian researchers, in order to date the Balkan weapons in our country we used the general western chronology for the periodization of the evolution of hand-held weapons, a timeline that does not correspond to the realities of the Balkan Peninsula, in particular of the Eastern territory in general. In the Balkans area, technological innovations such as the percussion cap mechanism had a poor and delayed penetration, as the technological gap between the West and the Balkans was of almost a century. is existing gap between workshops in the Balkan Peninsula and Western Europe has not been addressed by the older Romanian literature. Another reason that led to an erroneous dating of the pieces in our museums was the “custom” of Balkan workshops to copy Italian weapons from the 18th century during the 19th century. It is well known that Balkan workshops purchased weapon components, in particular pipes and detonating mechanisms, from the West, especially from Northern Italy. In the Balkan Peninsula of that period (18th–19th centuries), European production pipes were imported, and sometimes also the wooden components of weapons. Many times the Balkan workshops only assembled and decorated the weapons, and the only indigenous elements were the decorations applied to the weapons. In the Balkans, another practice was used on a large scale, which overturned researchers’ analyses: falsifying inscriptions. e temptation of large incomes led many of the local gunsmiths to engrave, especially on gun butt, the names of famous Italian gunsmiths from the 18th–19th centuries, which makes it di#cult to date those pieces. We have a special situation in cases where inscriptions made from symbols and letters without any logic have been identi"ed. Modern research believes that in these cases we are dealing with the “work” of illiterate craftsmen, who were addressing equally illiterate clients. e problem of engravings “copied” by illiterate craftsmen is also encountered in the Balkan territory in the case of yataghan production, but we cannot speak of a widespread practice. Another problem in the dating of the Balkan weapons is the massive importation of "nished parts from the West, made especially for the Eastern and Balkan markets, given that the weapons specially manufactured for export were made to the tastes of the Balkan customers – respecting the typology and appearance of those from the 18th century. Returning to the dating of the Balkan weapons identi"ed in the territory of Romania, very few of the analysed we
我们在研究中明确的一个中心方面是与在罗马尼亚目前领土上发现的18 - 19世纪巴尔干武器的年代有关的方面。首先,必须提到导致罗马尼亚文学中巴尔干作品年代错误的原因,特别是在共产主义时期。鉴于巴尔干武器领域的国际参考文献才刚刚开始,罗马尼亚研究人员无法获得,为了确定我国巴尔干武器的年代,我们使用了一般的西方年表来对手持武器的演变进行分期,这一年表不符合巴尔干半岛,特别是东部领土的实际情况。在巴尔干地区,由于西方与巴尔干地区之间的技术差距将近一个世纪,诸如冲击盖机制等技术创新的渗透性较差且较晚。他在巴尔干半岛和西欧的讲习班之间存在的差距并没有在旧的罗马尼亚文献中得到解决。导致我们博物馆藏品年代错误的另一个原因是巴尔干作坊在19世纪仿制18世纪意大利武器的“习俗”。众所周知,巴尔干工厂从西方,特别是从意大利北部购买武器部件,特别是管道和引爆装置。在那个时期(18 - 19世纪)的巴尔干半岛,进口欧洲生产的管道,有时也进口武器的木制部件。很多时候,巴尔干作坊只是组装和装饰武器,唯一的本土元素是武器上的装饰。在巴尔干半岛,另一种大规模使用的做法推翻了研究人员的分析:伪造铭文。由于收入丰厚的诱惑,许多当地的枪匠都把18 - 19世纪意大利著名枪匠的名字刻在上面,尤其是在枪托上,这使得确定这些枪的年代变得不那么流行了。我们有一种特殊的情况,即由符号和字母组成的没有任何逻辑的铭文被识别出来。现代研究认为,在这些案例中,我们面对的是文盲工匠的“作品”,他们面对的是同样不识字的客户。在巴尔干地区的yataghan生产中,文盲工匠“复制”版画的问题也遇到过,但我们不能说这是一种普遍的做法。确定巴尔干武器年代的另一个问题是从西方大量进口“成品零件”,这些零件是专门为东部和巴尔干市场制造的,因为专门为出口而制造的武器是根据巴尔干客户的口味制造的- -尊重18世纪武器的类型和外观。回到在罗马尼亚境内发现的巴尔干武器的年代问题上,除了yataghan外,经分析的武器很少能保留制造年份。最好的情况是yataghans,在我们的研究中分析的59个零件中,有19个零件的叶片上仍然有制造年份的痕迹。所有被研究的作品都发生在18世纪最后几十年和19世纪下半叶。就“重制武器”而言,只有很少一部分保留了制造年份,这使我们无法进行有启发性的统计分析。在所研究的武器中,有一把手枪和一把手枪上分别刻有生产年份,分别是1814年和1865年。在这种情况下,我国博物馆中保存的巴尔干“武器”一般只能追溯到18世纪下半叶至19世纪下半叶之间。通过分析过时的亚塔格汉的情况,我们可以对来自罗马尼亚目前领土的巴尔干武器的时期作出现实的评估。在19个确定日期的yataghan中,大多数来自19世纪早期,有12件(63%),其次是19世纪下半叶的yataghan,有4件(21%),而18世纪最后几十年的yataghan所占的份额最小,只有3件(16%)。虽然少数有年代的亚塔格罕武器(调查的59件武器中有19件)不能代表全国,但我们的分析结果与贝尔格莱德和萨格勒布大型武器收藏中保存的亚塔格罕武器的情况相符。具体而言,我们指的是19世纪下半叶的亚塔格汉所持有的份额,其中大多数保存在我们的博物馆中,从这一点来看,情况与贝尔格莱德军事博物馆和萨格勒布克罗地亚历史博物馆的情况相同。 与罗马尼亚的情况相比,我们所发现的差异导致这群亚塔汗与19世纪下半叶,即18世纪最后几十年的亚塔汗之间的差距要小得多。19世纪下半叶制造的大量武器肯定与当时奥斯曼帝国欧洲部分的极端政治局势有关。在1804年至1835年的“塞尔维亚革命”期间,武装的需求成为必要。这是一场多阶段的反奥斯曼运动,最终在奥斯曼帝国内部建立了一个自治的塞尔维亚公国。与塞尔维亚的反奥斯曼运动相同,希腊独立战争发生在1821年至1829年之间,以欧洲列强承认新希腊国家的独立而告终。1831年波斯尼亚也面临冲突局势,但其性质不同,因为波斯尼亚人站起来反对伊斯坦布尔中央当局进行的改革。巴尔干半岛的所有这些冲突都需要大量武装,并产生了重要的武器生产,这一事实反映在罗马尼亚领土上存在的亚塔汗人的年代。从比较的角度分析yataghan的情况与巴尔干“重新武装”的情况,相关的,最重要的是,当代武器,我们可以提出关于白色武器与“重新武装”的分期的同化。因此,可以理解的是,根据巴尔干武器生产水平的巨大变化以及上文各段所述的区域政治局势,罗马尼亚境内现存的绝大多数巴尔干武器与白色武器的来源相同,可以追溯到19世纪下半叶。 与罗马尼亚的情况相比,我们所发现的差异导致这群亚塔汗与19世纪下半叶,即18世纪最后几十年的亚塔汗之间的差距要小得多。19世纪下半叶制造的大量武器肯定与当时奥斯曼帝国欧洲部分的极端政治局势有关。在1804年至1835年的“塞尔维亚革命”期间,武装的需求成为必要。这是一场多阶段的反奥斯曼运动,最终在奥斯曼帝国内部建立了一个自治的塞尔维亚公国。与塞尔维亚的反奥斯曼运动相同,希腊独立战争发生在1821年至1829年之间,以欧洲列强承认新希腊国家的独立而告终。1831年波斯尼亚也面临冲突局势,但其性质不同,因为波斯尼亚人站起来反对伊斯坦布尔中央当局进行的改革。巴尔干半岛的所有这些冲突都需要大量武装,并产生了重要的武器生产,这一事实反映在罗马尼亚领土上存在的亚塔汗人的年代。从比较的角度分析yataghan的情况与巴尔干“重新武装”的情况,相关的,最重要的是,当代武器,我们可以提出关于白色武器与“重新武装”的分期的同化。因此,可以理解的是,根据巴尔干武器生产水平的巨大变化以及上文各段所述的区域政治局势,罗马尼亚境内现存的绝大多数巴尔干武器与白色武器的来源相同,可以追溯到19世纪下半叶。
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引用次数: 0
Câteva bijuterii de epocă romană din colecţia Muzeului Banatului Montan Reşiţa / Roman Jewelery from the Collection of Highland Banat Museum from Reşiţa
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/tqbg9495
Ana Cristina Hamat
Among other roman artifacts from the collection of the Highland Banat Museum, we have also several artifacts that have drawn our attention for a more detailed analysis required for a new publication. !ese are six jewellery items, all of them discovered on the territory of Banat, more precisely they have been discovered in the archaeological researches on the Roman forts and settlements or near to them, in the medieval context. Some of them have already been published brie"y, others are still unpublished. !e present article wishes to bring them into question in order to introduce them into a generally accepted typology that will help us to date them more easy. Between them there are three pieces of chain, a ring, a gem and one hairpin and they have been discovered in roman legionary fort from Berzovia-Bersovis, in a quadriburgium from Gornea and also in roman villa from Brebu, roman settlement from Mehadia and in the medieval church from Obreja, near the roman centre from Tibiscum.
在巴纳特高地博物馆收藏的其他罗马文物中,我们也有几件文物引起了我们的注意,以便为新出版物进行更详细的分析。以下是六件珠宝,它们都是在巴纳特领土上发现的,更准确地说,它们是在中世纪背景下对罗马堡垒和定居点或其附近的考古研究中发现的。其中一些已经发表了不久,另一些还没有发表。我们这篇文章希望对它们提出质疑,以便将它们引入一个普遍接受的类型学,这将有助于我们更容易地确定它们的年代。在它们之间有三根链子,一枚戒指,一颗宝石和一个发夹,它们被发现于贝尔佐维亚-贝尔索维斯的罗马军团堡垒,戈尔内亚的四分庭,布雷布的罗马别墅,梅哈迪亚的罗马定居点,奥布莱亚的中世纪教堂,罗马中心附近的蒂布拉姆。
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引用次数: 0
A New Reading of the Latin–Aramaic Neses Bilingual (IDR III1 167 = PAT 0994), Aramaic Line 2 拉丁-阿拉姆语Neses双语新解读(IDR iii1167 = PAT 0994),阿拉姆语第2行
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/szwr2070
N. Greene, J. Hutton
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引用次数: 0
Contribuţii la cunoaşterea aşezării civile de tip vicus militar de la Pojejena / Contribution to the Research of the Vicus Militaris from Pojejena
Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.55201/sinq3959
Călin Timoc, M. Pisz, Emil Jęczmienowski, Cristian-Adrian Ardelean
Contribution to the research of the vicus militaris from Pojejena. !e aim of the project conducted in cooperation between the University of Warsaw, National Museum of Banat in Timişoara and Museum Of !e Highland Banat in Reşiţa, was to perform noninvasive investigation of the Roman auxiliary fort in the village of Pojejena and to recognize a range, localization and a character of the civil settlement next to the fort. Our works combine both classical $eldwalking survey, with aim to recognize concentrations of archaeological material in close and far vicinity of the fort, and geophysical research (electro resistivity and magnetometry) at several sites. After almost 4 years of research, we have a good overview of the internal planning of the fort and of the surrounding area.!e most interesting area in the direct vicinity of the fort is the area to the south of it where we found the remains of the main part of the vicus. !e area was partially surveyed with electrical resistivity in 2017 and, on the larger area, with magnetometry in 2018 . !e results of electrical resistivity are much clearer than the ones from the south part of the fort, which were also conducted in the same year. Clearly visible is the road coming from south gate in direction of the Danube. !e road is %anked from both sides by structures which may be interpreted as the houses of the Streifenhäuser type. !e magnetometry allows to state that the settlement continues to the east from the area surveyed with electro resistivity, which was also observed during the $eldwalking survey
对波耶耶纳地区军性弧菌研究的贡献。该项目由华沙大学、timi oara的巴纳特国家博物馆和Reşiţa的巴纳特高地博物馆合作进行,目的是对Pojejena村的罗马辅助堡垒进行非侵入性调查,并识别堡垒旁边的民事定居点的范围、定位和特征。我们的工作结合了经典的步行调查,目的是识别堡垒附近或远或近的考古材料的集中,以及在几个地点的地球物理研究(电阻率和磁强计)。经过近4年的研究,我们对堡垒和周边地区的内部规划有了一个很好的概述。在堡垒附近最有趣的地方是在它的南面,我们在那里发现了vicus主要部分的遗骸。2017年对该地区进行了部分电阻率测量,2018年在更大范围内进行了磁力测量。我们的电阻率测量结果比同一年在炮台南部进行的测量结果要清晰得多。从南门向多瑙河方向延伸的道路清晰可见。这条路的两边都是可以理解为Streifenhäuser型房屋的建筑。e磁强计可以表明,该沉降点继续从电阻率测量的区域向东延伸,这也是在eldwalking调查期间观察到的
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引用次数: 0
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Analele Banatului XXVI 2018
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