e present study examines the relationship between the Church and the state in the prefecture of Illyricum, in the VI-VII centuries. It aims to discuss the bishops’ roles and attributes in the cities of proto-Byzantine Illyricum, as well as their relationship with the municipal and provincial authorities. e research is based on the analysis of literary (Miracula Sancti Demetrii) and epigraphic sources. e Code of Justinian (527–565) highlights the important place of the bishop in the city. In the Byzantine cities of Illyricum, the bishop heads the council of municipal notables and is considered their natural representative. He intermediates between the seat of central power and the municipal administration. A series of inscriptions discovered at Izbičanj (in Serbia), Serdica (So#a), Tesalonic, Gortyna (Creta) and on the island of Skiathos provide us with information on the bishops’ participation in the execution of urban public works. In the context of the invasion of the Balkan Peninsula by Avars and Slavs, the bishops of essaloniki take upon themselves the roles usually played by the municipal and imperial authorities, in that they assure the protection of the population and organize resistance against the invaders. In 535, Emperor Justinian creates the autocephalous archbishopric Justiniana Prima.
本研究考察了六至七世纪伊利里库姆州教会与国家之间的关系。它的目的是讨论主教的角色和属性在原拜占庭伊利里姆的城市,以及他们与市级和省级当局的关系。我们的研究是基于对文学(Miracula Sancti Demetrii)和碑文来源的分析。查士丁尼法典(527-565)强调了主教在城市中的重要地位。在伊利里库姆的拜占庭城市里,主教领导着市政名流会议,被认为是他们的自然代表。他介于中央权力中心和市政当局之间。在izbianj(塞尔维亚)、Serdica (So# A)、Tesalonic、Gortyna(克里塔)和Skiathos岛上发现的一系列铭文为我们提供了主教参与执行城市公共工程的信息。在阿瓦尔人和斯拉夫人入侵巴尔干半岛的情况下,埃萨洛尼基的主教们承担了通常由市政和帝国当局扮演的角色,即确保保护居民并组织抵抗侵略者。公元535年,查士丁尼皇帝建立了独立的大主教区查士丁尼亚纳·普里马。
{"title":"Eglise et Etat dans l’Illyrie protobyzantine a la lumiere des sources epigraphiques et litteraires (VIe-VIIe siecles)","authors":"R. M. Feraru","doi":"10.55201/tvxx8110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/tvxx8110","url":null,"abstract":"e present study examines the relationship between the Church and the state in the prefecture of Illyricum, in the VI-VII centuries. It aims to discuss the bishops’ roles and attributes in the cities of proto-Byzantine Illyricum, as well as their relationship with the municipal and provincial authorities. e research is based on the analysis of literary (Miracula Sancti Demetrii) and epigraphic sources. e Code of Justinian (527–565) highlights the important place of the bishop in the city. In the Byzantine cities of Illyricum, the bishop heads the council of municipal notables and is considered their natural representative. He intermediates between the seat of central power and the municipal administration. A series of inscriptions discovered at Izbičanj (in Serbia), Serdica (So#a), Tesalonic, Gortyna (Creta) and on the island of Skiathos provide us with information on the bishops’ participation in the execution of urban public works. In the context of the invasion of the Balkan Peninsula by Avars and Slavs, the bishops of essaloniki take upon themselves the roles usually played by the municipal and imperial authorities, in that they assure the protection of the population and organize resistance against the invaders. In 535, Emperor Justinian creates the autocephalous archbishopric Justiniana Prima.","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124312639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Alexandru Madgearu, The Asanids: the political and military history of the second Bulgarian empire (1185–1280), Targovişte, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2014, 332 p.","authors":"M. Horvat","doi":"10.55201/hmbn3544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/hmbn3544","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130239941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Starting with 1792, three gangs of robbers, mostly consisting of former soldiers from the Wallachian-Illyric Borderregiment and of peasants from several villages of the Caraş and Timiş counties next to the mountains, have increased their attacks putting the common folk and travellers security in great danger. While operating in the mountains on the Banatian side during spring and summer, the robbers retreated in late autumn and winter to different villages of Walachia, in the counties of Mehedinţi, Gorj and Vâlcea, and even to the Ottoman ruled territory, at Ada Kaleh and Tekije. Trying to put an end to this situation, the Banatian Military Command in cooperation with the Timiş county decided to send, in April 1800, George Császár, regional commissioner for public security, to Bucharest, escorted by 19 armed guards (the so-called Panduren), in order to pursue, catch and %nally obtain the extradition of the Banatian robbers hidden in Wallachia. Michael Merkelius, the Austrian diplomatic agent in Bucharest, had spoken for several times on this matter to Prince Alexander Moruzi of Wallachia, but disappointed of being constantly postponed, he suggested to commissioner Császár to take a trip to Istanbul and describe the entire matter to Peter Philipp Herbert baron Rathkeal, imperial ambassador to the Ottoman Porte. After having put the Ottoman Governement under pressure, Herbert-Rathkeal earned, on August 9 1800, an order (ferman) of sultan Selim III to Prince Alexander Moruzi, granting him the extradition of all Banatian robbers settled down in Wallachia after the peace treaty of Șiştov (1791). Compelled towards being more cooperative, Prince Moruzi ordered the county-chiefs on the border to the Banat to conduct a thorough watch on the bordercrossing to Wallachia by any robber and to track, hunt down and capture every single robber. Having returned to Bucharest, commissioner Császár left the city at the end of September 1800, taking with him the sultanic ferman and a written order of Prince Moruzi regarding the Banatian robbers. On the way to Transylvania the precious documents were irremediably damaged by water and had to be replaced by newones. As for the robbers, they continued to carry on with their attacks for at least half a century, without being seriously disturbed by the authorities on both sides of the border.
从1792年开始,三个强盗团伙增加了他们的袭击,使平民和旅行者的安全处于极大的危险之中,这些强盗团伙主要由来自瓦拉几亚-伊利里亚边境团的前士兵和靠近山区的卡拉伊和蒂米茨县的几个村庄的农民组成。春季和夏季,强盗们在巴纳提亚一侧的山区活动,深秋和冬季,他们撤退到Walachia的不同村庄,Mehedinţi、Gorj和v lcea县,甚至撤退到奥斯曼统治的领土Ada Kaleh和Tekije。为了制止这种情况,巴纳提亚军事指挥部与蒂米齐亚县合作,决定于1800年4月派遣地区治安专员乔治Császár在19名武装警卫(所谓的潘杜伦)的护送下前往布加勒斯特,以追捕、抓获并最终引渡藏匿在瓦拉几亚的巴纳提亚强盗。奥地利驻布加勒斯特的外交代表迈克尔·梅克留斯(Michael Merkelius)曾多次向瓦拉几亚(Wallachia)的亚历山大·莫鲁齐(Alexander Moruzi)王子谈及此事,但对一再被推迟感到失望,他建议专员Császár前往伊斯坦布尔,向帝国驻奥斯曼帝国港口的大使彼得·菲利普·赫伯特·男爵拉特基尔(Peter Philipp Herbert baron Rathkeal)描述整个事情。在对奥斯曼政府施加压力后,赫伯特-拉斯基尔于1800年8月9日获得了苏丹塞利姆三世对亚历山大·莫鲁齐王子的命令(费曼),允许他引渡Șiştov(1791)和平条约后定居在瓦拉几亚的所有巴纳提亚强盗。莫鲁齐王子被迫更加合作,他命令巴纳特边境的郡守严密监视通往瓦拉几亚边境的任何强盗,并追踪、追捕和捕获每一个强盗。回到布加勒斯特后,专员Császár于1800年9月底离开了这座城市,带走了苏丹总督和莫鲁齐王子关于巴纳提亚强盗的书面命令。在前往特兰西瓦尼亚的途中,这些珍贵的文件被水不可挽回地损坏了,不得不换上新的。至于强盗,他们继续进行了至少半个世纪的袭击,没有受到边境双方当局的严重干扰。
{"title":"Timişoara – Bucureşti – Istanbul: o „vanătoare” de lotri din Banat la 1800 / Timişoara – Bucharest – Istanbul: “hunting” robbers (lotri) from the region of Banat in 1800","authors":"Costin Feneșan","doi":"10.55201/rdek6778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/rdek6778","url":null,"abstract":"Starting with 1792, three gangs of robbers, mostly consisting of former soldiers from the Wallachian-Illyric Borderregiment and of peasants from several villages of the Caraş and Timiş counties next to the mountains, have increased their attacks putting the common folk and travellers security in great danger. While operating in the mountains on the Banatian side during spring and summer, the robbers retreated in late autumn and winter to different villages of Walachia, in the counties of Mehedinţi, Gorj and Vâlcea, and even to the Ottoman ruled territory, at Ada Kaleh and Tekije. Trying to put an end to this situation, the Banatian Military Command in cooperation with the Timiş county decided to send, in April 1800, George Császár, regional commissioner for public security, to Bucharest, escorted by 19 armed guards (the so-called Panduren), in order to pursue, catch and %nally obtain the extradition of the Banatian robbers hidden in Wallachia. Michael Merkelius, the Austrian diplomatic agent in Bucharest, had spoken for several times on this matter to Prince Alexander Moruzi of Wallachia, but disappointed of being constantly postponed, he suggested to commissioner Császár to take a trip to Istanbul and describe the entire matter to Peter Philipp Herbert baron Rathkeal, imperial ambassador to the Ottoman Porte. After having put the Ottoman Governement under pressure, Herbert-Rathkeal earned, on August 9 1800, an order (ferman) of sultan Selim III to Prince Alexander Moruzi, granting him the extradition of all Banatian robbers settled down in Wallachia after the peace treaty of Șiştov (1791). Compelled towards being more cooperative, Prince Moruzi ordered the county-chiefs on the border to the Banat to conduct a thorough watch on the bordercrossing to Wallachia by any robber and to track, hunt down and capture every single robber. Having returned to Bucharest, commissioner Császár left the city at the end of September 1800, taking with him the sultanic ferman and a written order of Prince Moruzi regarding the Banatian robbers. On the way to Transylvania the precious documents were irremediably damaged by water and had to be replaced by newones. As for the robbers, they continued to carry on with their attacks for at least half a century, without being seriously disturbed by the authorities on both sides of the border.","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129320592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, the author presents a comparative study on the medallions of 9 historical !ags of "re-"ghters, wheelwrights and farriers from di#erent towns in Timiș County. %e iconographic study of the medallions, exclusively those dedicated to the spiritual patron, Saint Florian, contains data about the morphological structure of composition, the symbolic elements represented, chromatic, execution technique and the current state of conservation according to age, functional wear and way of preservation. Saint Florian is associated, in the Central and Eastern Europe, with the extinction of "re. %e Saint is depicted in clothing of a Roman centurion commander (company), holding a red !ag in a hand and with the other one pouring water from a wash tub on a building in !ames. Only in three localities from Banat is found the statue representing Saint Florian: Jimbolia, Aradul Nou and Zădăreni. %e civil volunteer "re-"ghters brigade (Önkéntes Polgári Tűzoltókar) from Arad, the "rst one of its kind in Banat, established in 1861 among its rules, that the "re-"ghter !ag must depict Saint Florian as well as the text „Egy Mindnyájunkrt, Mindnyájant Egyért” (One for All, All for One).
本文对蒂米诺特县不同城镇的9个“re-”女、车匠和马车夫的历史纪念章进行了比较研究。对纪念章的肖像学研究,特别是那些献给精神守护神圣弗洛里安的纪念章,包含了关于组成的形态结构、所代表的象征元素、色彩、制作技术以及根据年代、功能磨损和保存方式的保护现状的数据。在中欧和东欧,圣弗洛里安与罗马人的灭绝联系在一起。圣弗洛里安被描绘成穿着罗马百夫长指挥官(连)的衣服,一只手拿着一个红色的盘子,另一只手从洗澡盆里把水倒在埃姆斯的一栋建筑上。只有在巴纳特的三个地方发现了代表圣弗洛里安的雕像:Jimbolia, Aradul Nou和z德洛雷尼。来自阿拉德的民间志愿者“re-”女儿旅(Önkéntes Polgári Tűzoltókar)是巴纳特的第一个此类组织,于1861年在其规则中成立,“re-”女儿旅必须描绘圣弗洛里安以及文本“Egy Mindnyájunkrt, Mindnyájant egy”(人人为我,人人为我)。
{"title":"Iconografia Sfantului Florian pe medalioanele steagurilor istorice. Studiu comparativ / The Iconography of Saint Florian on the Medallions of Historical Flags. Comparative study. Comparative study","authors":"Hedy M-Kiss","doi":"10.55201/pqgk1833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/pqgk1833","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, the author presents a comparative study on the medallions of 9 historical !ags of \"re-\"ghters, wheelwrights and farriers from di#erent towns in Timiș County. %e iconographic study of the medallions, exclusively those dedicated to the spiritual patron, Saint Florian, contains data about the morphological structure of composition, the symbolic elements represented, chromatic, execution technique and the current state of conservation according to age, functional wear and way of preservation. Saint Florian is associated, in the Central and Eastern Europe, with the extinction of \"re. %e Saint is depicted in clothing of a Roman centurion commander (company), holding a red !ag in a hand and with the other one pouring water from a wash tub on a building in !ames. Only in three localities from Banat is found the statue representing Saint Florian: Jimbolia, Aradul Nou and Zădăreni. %e civil volunteer \"re-\"ghters brigade (Önkéntes Polgári Tűzoltókar) from Arad, the \"rst one of its kind in Banat, established in 1861 among its rules, that the \"re-\"ghter !ag must depict Saint Florian as well as the text „Egy Mindnyájunkrt, Mindnyájant Egyért” (One for All, All for One).","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132484164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Așezările civilie care apar, funcţionează și se dezvoltă lângă castrele auxiliare s-au constituit de-a lungul deceniilor în direcţii explicite de cercetare. Situaţia acestor așezări aferente castrelor din provincia romană limitrofă Dacia Porolissensis este încă la un nivel incipient și speculativ. Prezentul studiu cuanti&că o serie de cercetări perieghetice întreprinse în zonele așezărilor civile de lângă castrele auxiliare de la Buciumi (com. Buciumi), Românași (com. Românași), Brusturi-Romita (com. Creaca) respectiv Tihău (com. Surduc). Deși pentru &ecare dintre ele există informaţii mai mult sau mai puţin relevante despre localizarea lor, lipsa unei cercetări intensive de suprafaţă cât și o cartare a extensiei ceramicii au fost motivele pentru care ne-am propus, în această primă fază, reluarea problematicii. Agricultura intensivă practicată în toate cazurile menţionate ne-a facilitat cercetarea de teren, &ind în &nal identi&cate perimetrele teoretice ale acestor vici militares. Cartările au fost făcute utilizând un GPS RTK Hi-Target V90, &ind înregistrate în totalitate concentraţiile de ceramică observabile la suprafaţă, utilizând un sistem de griduri. Pe baza punctelor obţinute s-au calculat în a doua fază densităţile acestor concentraţii de fragmente ceramice, obţinând astfel modele geostatistice bazate pe densitatea materialului. Nu în ultimul rând, suprafaţa astfel identi&-cată a fost supusă unor procedee de fotogra&ere aeriană pentru a obţine ulterior modele digitale 3D ale terenului, cu un grad de &delitate ridicat, cât și pentru a încerca identi&carea, pe cât este posibil, a noi structuri pe baza diferenţei de elevaţie. Limitele metodelor sunt evidente, ele reprezentând strict distribuţia materialului pe suprafaţa așezărilor și modelarea 3D a suprafeţelor cercetate.
{"title":"Surface and Low Altitude Surveys on the Military Vici from Sălaj County (Dacia Porolissensis) / Cercetări de suprafaţă şi de joasă altitudine la vici militari din judeţul Sălaj (Dacia Porolissensis)","authors":"Horaţiu Cociș","doi":"10.55201/rone9270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/rone9270","url":null,"abstract":"Așezările civilie care apar, funcţionează și se dezvoltă lângă castrele auxiliare s-au constituit de-a lungul deceniilor în direcţii explicite de cercetare. Situaţia acestor așezări aferente castrelor din provincia romană limitrofă Dacia Porolissensis este încă la un nivel incipient și speculativ. Prezentul studiu cuanti&că o serie de cercetări perieghetice întreprinse în zonele așezărilor civile de lângă castrele auxiliare de la Buciumi (com. Buciumi), Românași (com. Românași), Brusturi-Romita (com. Creaca) respectiv Tihău (com. Surduc). Deși pentru &ecare dintre ele există informaţii mai mult sau mai puţin relevante despre localizarea lor, lipsa unei cercetări intensive de suprafaţă cât și o cartare a extensiei ceramicii au fost motivele pentru care ne-am propus, în această primă fază, reluarea problematicii. Agricultura intensivă practicată în toate cazurile menţionate ne-a facilitat cercetarea de teren, &ind în &nal identi&cate perimetrele teoretice ale acestor vici militares. Cartările au fost făcute utilizând un GPS RTK Hi-Target V90, &ind înregistrate în totalitate concentraţiile de ceramică observabile la suprafaţă, utilizând un sistem de griduri. Pe baza punctelor obţinute s-au calculat în a doua fază densităţile acestor concentraţii de fragmente ceramice, obţinând astfel modele geostatistice bazate pe densitatea materialului. Nu în ultimul rând, suprafaţa astfel identi&-cată a fost supusă unor procedee de fotogra&ere aeriană pentru a obţine ulterior modele digitale 3D ale terenului, cu un grad de &delitate ridicat, cât și pentru a încerca identi&carea, pe cât este posibil, a noi structuri pe baza diferenţei de elevaţie. Limitele metodelor sunt evidente, ele reprezentând strict distribuţia materialului pe suprafaţa așezărilor și modelarea 3D a suprafeţelor cercetate.","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128061049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
George (Giorgio) Blandrata (născut în 1515 la Saluzzo; mort în 1588 la Alba Iulia) a ajuns, după studii de medicină la universităţile din Montpellier, Pavia și Bologna, în Transilvania, ca medic personal și consilier privat al reginei Isabella și a %ului ei Ioan Sigismund, activând acolo între 1544 și 1551. În această primă perioadă a prezenţei sale în Transilvania, Blandrata nu a bene%ciat de dania vreunei proprietăţi imobiliare (moșie, casă etc.). Situaţia s-a schimbat însă odată cu revenirea sa în Transilvania (1563), ca medic personal și consilier privat al principelui Ioan Sigismund. În această calitate din urmă, Blandrata s-a implicat, din însărcinarea principelui, în rezolvarea con*ictului interconfesional din Transilvania și deopotrivă în relaţiile principatului cu Habsburgii. Ca recompensă a meritelor sale, principele i-a donat în 1564 moșiile Cergău Mare, Cergău Mic și Cristian, toate a*ate în comitatul Alba de Jos. Se pare că tot Ioan Sigismund i-ar % dăruit lui Blandrata și moșia Micești din apropiere de Alba Iulia. Italianul a reușit să trecă apoi cu o remarcabilă iscusinţă și în slujba noului principe, Ștefan Báthory. Ca emisar al acestuia pe lângă Dieta de la Varșovia (1575), a contribuit la alegerea lui Báthory ca rege al Poloniei. Drept răsplată, acesta i-a dăruit în 1576 moșia Buzd din comitatul Alba (în anexă se publică documentele legate de această danie). Serviciile pe care Blandrata i le-a adus apoi principelui Cristofor Báthory au fost răsplătite de acesta cu donarea moșiei Chinteni din comitatul Cluj și a jumătate din moșiile Tibru și Băgara din comitatul Alba de Jos. În afară de aceste moșii – pe care Blandrata le-a vândut în cursul vremii –, versatilul italian a mai deţinut case de piatră la Alba Iulia și Aiud și un fâneţ foarte aproape de Alba Iulia. În testamentul din 1 aprilie 1588, pe care Blandrata l-a întocmit cu foarte puţin timp înainte de moartea sa suspectă (se bănuiește că ar % fost sufocat de Giorgio, %ul fratelui său Alfonso), el mai deţinea ca bunuri imobiliare doar casa și fânaţul din Alba Iulia. O explicaţie ar putea % faptul că, dorind să se întoarcă în Italia natală, Blandrata și-ar % transformat averea imobiliară în bani-peșin.
{"title":"Die Siebenburgischen Besitztumsverhaltnisse des Furstlichen Arztes und Rates Georg (Giorgio) Blandrata / Posesiunile din Transilvania ale doctorului şi consilierului princiar George (Giorgio) Blandrata","authors":"Costin Feneșan","doi":"10.55201/kzkm1157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/kzkm1157","url":null,"abstract":"George (Giorgio) Blandrata (născut în 1515 la Saluzzo; mort în 1588 la Alba Iulia) a ajuns, după studii de medicină la universităţile din Montpellier, Pavia și Bologna, în Transilvania, ca medic personal și consilier privat al reginei Isabella și a %ului ei Ioan Sigismund, activând acolo între 1544 și 1551. În această primă perioadă a prezenţei sale în Transilvania, Blandrata nu a bene%ciat de dania vreunei proprietăţi imobiliare (moșie, casă etc.). Situaţia s-a schimbat însă odată cu revenirea sa în Transilvania (1563), ca medic personal și consilier privat al principelui Ioan Sigismund. În această calitate din urmă, Blandrata s-a implicat, din însărcinarea principelui, în rezolvarea con*ictului interconfesional din Transilvania și deopotrivă în relaţiile principatului cu Habsburgii. Ca recompensă a meritelor sale, principele i-a donat în 1564 moșiile Cergău Mare, Cergău Mic și Cristian, toate a*ate în comitatul Alba de Jos. Se pare că tot Ioan Sigismund i-ar % dăruit lui Blandrata și moșia Micești din apropiere de Alba Iulia. Italianul a reușit să trecă apoi cu o remarcabilă iscusinţă și în slujba noului principe, Ștefan Báthory. Ca emisar al acestuia pe lângă Dieta de la Varșovia (1575), a contribuit la alegerea lui Báthory ca rege al Poloniei. Drept răsplată, acesta i-a dăruit în 1576 moșia Buzd din comitatul Alba (în anexă se publică documentele legate de această danie). Serviciile pe care Blandrata i le-a adus apoi principelui Cristofor Báthory au fost răsplătite de acesta cu donarea moșiei Chinteni din comitatul Cluj și a jumătate din moșiile Tibru și Băgara din comitatul Alba de Jos. În afară de aceste moșii – pe care Blandrata le-a vândut în cursul vremii –, versatilul italian a mai deţinut case de piatră la Alba Iulia și Aiud și un fâneţ foarte aproape de Alba Iulia. În testamentul din 1 aprilie 1588, pe care Blandrata l-a întocmit cu foarte puţin timp înainte de moartea sa suspectă (se bănuiește că ar % fost sufocat de Giorgio, %ul fratelui său Alfonso), el mai deţinea ca bunuri imobiliare doar casa și fânaţul din Alba Iulia. O explicaţie ar putea % faptul că, dorind să se întoarcă în Italia natală, Blandrata și-ar % transformat averea imobiliară în bani-peșin.","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114998950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
e central aspect clari"ed in our research is the one related to the dating of the Balkan weapons of the 18th–19thcenturies identi"ed on the current territory of Romania. First of all, the causes that led to an erroneous dating of the Balkan pieces in the Romanian literature, especially during the communist period, must be mentioned. Given the fact that the international bibliography in the "eld of Balkan weapons was at its beginnings, being inaccessible to Romanian researchers, in order to date the Balkan weapons in our country we used the general western chronology for the periodization of the evolution of hand-held weapons, a timeline that does not correspond to the realities of the Balkan Peninsula, in particular of the Eastern territory in general. In the Balkans area, technological innovations such as the percussion cap mechanism had a poor and delayed penetration, as the technological gap between the West and the Balkans was of almost a century. is existing gap between workshops in the Balkan Peninsula and Western Europe has not been addressed by the older Romanian literature. Another reason that led to an erroneous dating of the pieces in our museums was the “custom” of Balkan workshops to copy Italian weapons from the 18th century during the 19th century. It is well known that Balkan workshops purchased weapon components, in particular pipes and detonating mechanisms, from the West, especially from Northern Italy. In the Balkan Peninsula of that period (18th–19th centuries), European production pipes were imported, and sometimes also the wooden components of weapons. Many times the Balkan workshops only assembled and decorated the weapons, and the only indigenous elements were the decorations applied to the weapons. In the Balkans, another practice was used on a large scale, which overturned researchers’ analyses: falsifying inscriptions. e temptation of large incomes led many of the local gunsmiths to engrave, especially on gun butt, the names of famous Italian gunsmiths from the 18th–19th centuries, which makes it di#cult to date those pieces. We have a special situation in cases where inscriptions made from symbols and letters without any logic have been identi"ed. Modern research believes that in these cases we are dealing with the “work” of illiterate craftsmen, who were addressing equally illiterate clients. e problem of engravings “copied” by illiterate craftsmen is also encountered in the Balkan territory in the case of yataghan production, but we cannot speak of a widespread practice. Another problem in the dating of the Balkan weapons is the massive importation of "nished parts from the West, made especially for the Eastern and Balkan markets, given that the weapons specially manufactured for export were made to the tastes of the Balkan customers – respecting the typology and appearance of those from the 18th century. Returning to the dating of the Balkan weapons identi"ed in the territory of Romania, very few of the analysed we
{"title":"Probleme de datare a armelor balcanice din sec. XVIII-XIX aflate pe teritoriul actual al Romaniei / Issues Relating to the Dating of the Balkan Arms from the 18th–19th Centuries on the Current Territory of Romania","authors":"Zoran Marcov","doi":"10.55201/uuww2196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/uuww2196","url":null,"abstract":"e central aspect clari\"ed in our research is the one related to the dating of the Balkan weapons of the 18th–19thcenturies identi\"ed on the current territory of Romania. First of all, the causes that led to an erroneous dating of the Balkan pieces in the Romanian literature, especially during the communist period, must be mentioned. Given the fact that the international bibliography in the \"eld of Balkan weapons was at its beginnings, being inaccessible to Romanian researchers, in order to date the Balkan weapons in our country we used the general western chronology for the periodization of the evolution of hand-held weapons, a timeline that does not correspond to the realities of the Balkan Peninsula, in particular of the Eastern territory in general. In the Balkans area, technological innovations such as the percussion cap mechanism had a poor and delayed penetration, as the technological gap between the West and the Balkans was of almost a century. is existing gap between workshops in the Balkan Peninsula and Western Europe has not been addressed by the older Romanian literature. Another reason that led to an erroneous dating of the pieces in our museums was the “custom” of Balkan workshops to copy Italian weapons from the 18th century during the 19th century. It is well known that Balkan workshops purchased weapon components, in particular pipes and detonating mechanisms, from the West, especially from Northern Italy. In the Balkan Peninsula of that period (18th–19th centuries), European production pipes were imported, and sometimes also the wooden components of weapons. Many times the Balkan workshops only assembled and decorated the weapons, and the only indigenous elements were the decorations applied to the weapons. In the Balkans, another practice was used on a large scale, which overturned researchers’ analyses: falsifying inscriptions. e temptation of large incomes led many of the local gunsmiths to engrave, especially on gun butt, the names of famous Italian gunsmiths from the 18th–19th centuries, which makes it di#cult to date those pieces. We have a special situation in cases where inscriptions made from symbols and letters without any logic have been identi\"ed. Modern research believes that in these cases we are dealing with the “work” of illiterate craftsmen, who were addressing equally illiterate clients. e problem of engravings “copied” by illiterate craftsmen is also encountered in the Balkan territory in the case of yataghan production, but we cannot speak of a widespread practice. Another problem in the dating of the Balkan weapons is the massive importation of \"nished parts from the West, made especially for the Eastern and Balkan markets, given that the weapons specially manufactured for export were made to the tastes of the Balkan customers – respecting the typology and appearance of those from the 18th century. Returning to the dating of the Balkan weapons identi\"ed in the territory of Romania, very few of the analysed we","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130218795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among other roman artifacts from the collection of the Highland Banat Museum, we have also several artifacts that have drawn our attention for a more detailed analysis required for a new publication. !ese are six jewellery items, all of them discovered on the territory of Banat, more precisely they have been discovered in the archaeological researches on the Roman forts and settlements or near to them, in the medieval context. Some of them have already been published brie"y, others are still unpublished. !e present article wishes to bring them into question in order to introduce them into a generally accepted typology that will help us to date them more easy. Between them there are three pieces of chain, a ring, a gem and one hairpin and they have been discovered in roman legionary fort from Berzovia-Bersovis, in a quadriburgium from Gornea and also in roman villa from Brebu, roman settlement from Mehadia and in the medieval church from Obreja, near the roman centre from Tibiscum.
{"title":"Câteva bijuterii de epocă romană din colecţia Muzeului Banatului Montan Reşiţa / Roman Jewelery from the Collection of Highland Banat Museum from Reşiţa","authors":"Ana Cristina Hamat","doi":"10.55201/tqbg9495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/tqbg9495","url":null,"abstract":"Among other roman artifacts from the collection of the Highland Banat Museum, we have also several artifacts that have drawn our attention for a more detailed analysis required for a new publication. !ese are six jewellery items, all of them discovered on the territory of Banat, more precisely they have been discovered in the archaeological researches on the Roman forts and settlements or near to them, in the medieval context. Some of them have already been published brie\"y, others are still unpublished. !e present article wishes to bring them into question in order to introduce them into a generally accepted typology that will help us to date them more easy. Between them there are three pieces of chain, a ring, a gem and one hairpin and they have been discovered in roman legionary fort from Berzovia-Bersovis, in a quadriburgium from Gornea and also in roman villa from Brebu, roman settlement from Mehadia and in the medieval church from Obreja, near the roman centre from Tibiscum.","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129740516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A New Reading of the Latin–Aramaic Neses Bilingual (IDR III1 167 = PAT 0994), Aramaic Line 2","authors":"N. Greene, J. Hutton","doi":"10.55201/szwr2070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/szwr2070","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130140582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Călin Timoc, M. Pisz, Emil Jęczmienowski, Cristian-Adrian Ardelean
Contribution to the research of the vicus militaris from Pojejena. !e aim of the project conducted in cooperation between the University of Warsaw, National Museum of Banat in Timişoara and Museum Of !e Highland Banat in Reşiţa, was to perform noninvasive investigation of the Roman auxiliary fort in the village of Pojejena and to recognize a range, localization and a character of the civil settlement next to the fort. Our works combine both classical $eldwalking survey, with aim to recognize concentrations of archaeological material in close and far vicinity of the fort, and geophysical research (electro resistivity and magnetometry) at several sites. After almost 4 years of research, we have a good overview of the internal planning of the fort and of the surrounding area.!e most interesting area in the direct vicinity of the fort is the area to the south of it where we found the remains of the main part of the vicus. !e area was partially surveyed with electrical resistivity in 2017 and, on the larger area, with magnetometry in 2018 . !e results of electrical resistivity are much clearer than the ones from the south part of the fort, which were also conducted in the same year. Clearly visible is the road coming from south gate in direction of the Danube. !e road is %anked from both sides by structures which may be interpreted as the houses of the Streifenhäuser type. !e magnetometry allows to state that the settlement continues to the east from the area surveyed with electro resistivity, which was also observed during the $eldwalking survey
{"title":"Contribuţii la cunoaşterea aşezării civile de tip vicus militar de la Pojejena / Contribution to the Research of the Vicus Militaris from Pojejena","authors":"Călin Timoc, M. Pisz, Emil Jęczmienowski, Cristian-Adrian Ardelean","doi":"10.55201/sinq3959","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55201/sinq3959","url":null,"abstract":"Contribution to the research of the vicus militaris from Pojejena. !e aim of the project conducted in cooperation between the University of Warsaw, National Museum of Banat in Timişoara and Museum Of !e Highland Banat in Reşiţa, was to perform noninvasive investigation of the Roman auxiliary fort in the village of Pojejena and to recognize a range, localization and a character of the civil settlement next to the fort. Our works combine both classical $eldwalking survey, with aim to recognize concentrations of archaeological material in close and far vicinity of the fort, and geophysical research (electro resistivity and magnetometry) at several sites. After almost 4 years of research, we have a good overview of the internal planning of the fort and of the surrounding area.!e most interesting area in the direct vicinity of the fort is the area to the south of it where we found the remains of the main part of the vicus. !e area was partially surveyed with electrical resistivity in 2017 and, on the larger area, with magnetometry in 2018 . !e results of electrical resistivity are much clearer than the ones from the south part of the fort, which were also conducted in the same year. Clearly visible is the road coming from south gate in direction of the Danube. !e road is %anked from both sides by structures which may be interpreted as the houses of the Streifenhäuser type. !e magnetometry allows to state that the settlement continues to the east from the area surveyed with electro resistivity, which was also observed during the $eldwalking survey","PeriodicalId":383374,"journal":{"name":"Analele Banatului XXVI 2018","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125336984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}