{"title":"Standing on Holy Ground: How Rethinking Justiciability Might Bring Peace to the Establishment Clause","authors":"John M. Bickers","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2012756","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Establishment Clause is home to both procedural and substantive disorder. Particularly when evaluating religious speech by the government, the Supreme Court has applied a number of distinct tests, with varying degrees of strictness. There has never been an overarching principle for determining which test would appear at which time; commentators, and occasionally the Justices themselves, have suspected that desired results drove the choice of tests. At the same time, the Court has articulated a series of requirements necessary for a plaintiff to have standing to challenge government action, only to ignore them in government religious speech cases. The resulting lack of clarity leaves lower courts to their own devices in endeavoring to calm increasingly intense struggles. This article sets out a theory that altering one of these problems might correct the other. Analogizing to the Treaty of Westphalia’s temporal limit on the airing of grievances, the Supreme Court could replace the current standing chaos with a limit to claims against current government activity. Such a rule would foreclose the ability of pro-religion forces to new domination of the public square, but would also prevent anti-religion forces from removing the vestiges of past government activity that are central to the American experience. Current doctrine ends with many of the same results, but doing so under the standing doctrine would remove the camouflage of alternative substantive tests. Simultaneously, it would decrease the incentive of participants in the national political struggle over religion to ever more hostile moves. The clarity this doctrinal shift would provide could help improve both religious freedom and peace in the national dialogue.","PeriodicalId":258683,"journal":{"name":"The Cleveland State Law Review","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2012-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Cleveland State Law Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2012756","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
The Establishment Clause is home to both procedural and substantive disorder. Particularly when evaluating religious speech by the government, the Supreme Court has applied a number of distinct tests, with varying degrees of strictness. There has never been an overarching principle for determining which test would appear at which time; commentators, and occasionally the Justices themselves, have suspected that desired results drove the choice of tests. At the same time, the Court has articulated a series of requirements necessary for a plaintiff to have standing to challenge government action, only to ignore them in government religious speech cases. The resulting lack of clarity leaves lower courts to their own devices in endeavoring to calm increasingly intense struggles. This article sets out a theory that altering one of these problems might correct the other. Analogizing to the Treaty of Westphalia’s temporal limit on the airing of grievances, the Supreme Court could replace the current standing chaos with a limit to claims against current government activity. Such a rule would foreclose the ability of pro-religion forces to new domination of the public square, but would also prevent anti-religion forces from removing the vestiges of past government activity that are central to the American experience. Current doctrine ends with many of the same results, but doing so under the standing doctrine would remove the camouflage of alternative substantive tests. Simultaneously, it would decrease the incentive of participants in the national political struggle over religion to ever more hostile moves. The clarity this doctrinal shift would provide could help improve both religious freedom and peace in the national dialogue.
设立条款是程序和实体混乱的根源。特别是在评估政府的宗教言论时,最高法院采用了一些不同的标准,严格程度各不相同。从来没有一个总体原则来决定哪个测试将在哪个时间出现;评论员们,偶尔还有法官们自己,都怀疑是理想的结果驱动了考试的选择。与此同时,最高法院明确规定了原告有资格挑战政府行为的一系列必要条件,但在政府的宗教言论案件中却忽略了这些条件。由于缺乏明确性,下级法院只能依靠自己的手段来努力平息日益激烈的斗争。本文提出了一个理论,即改变其中一个问题可能会纠正另一个问题。与《威斯特伐利亚条约》(Treaty of Westphalia)对表达不满的时间限制类似,最高法院可以用限制对当前政府活动的索赔来取代目前的混乱局面。这样的规定将阻止亲宗教势力对公共领域的新统治,但也将阻止反宗教势力清除过去政府活动的痕迹,而这些痕迹对美国的经历至关重要。目前的原则以许多相同的结果结束,但在现行原则下这样做将消除替代实质性测试的伪装。同时,这也会减少国家宗教政治斗争参与者采取敌对行动的动机。这种教义转变所带来的明确性将有助于改善宗教自由和全国对话中的和平。