The Hidden Public Costs of Low-Wage Jobs in California

C. Zabin, Arindrajit Dubé, Ken Jacobs
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引用次数: 14

Abstract

California’s new economy is fostering far more growth among high- and low-wage jobs compared to middle-income jobs. The development of the hourglass economy means that there is a growing number of low-wage workers who cannot support their families even if they work full-time. As a consequence, they must turn to public assistance to meet the basic needs of their families. This study by Carol Zabin, Arindrajit Dube, and Ken Jacobs is the first to quantify how much it costs the public to provide what paychecks don’t. In California, two million working families received public assistance in 2002. The price tag for this assistance was $10 billion per year, with most support going to families with full-time workers who earned near the minimum wage. The authors analyzed the ten largest means-tested public assistance programs that Californians participate in: Medi-Cal, the Earned Income Tax Credit, CalWORKs, Food Stamps, Free or Reduced Price Lunch, Women, Infants, and Children Nutrition Program, Low Income Heat and Energy Assistance, Healthy Families, and Section 8 Rental Assistance. They matched 2002 administrative data from the programs with 2002 detailed demographic and employment data from the federal government’s Current Population Survey. They estimated how many program participants are in working families and the savings that could accrue if workers earned higher wages and received benefits. The authors found that half of all means-tested public assistance dollars are going to families who are working and that most workers on public assistance earn wages that are close to the minimum wage. They conclude that full-time employment at low wages does not bring self-sufficiency to these families and that small improvements in wages could move many off public programs, freeing up scarce resources for families currently on waiting lists. If all workers in the state earned a minimum of $8 an hour, program costs would be reduced by $2.7 billion. A movement to $14 per hour would reduce expenditures by 5.6 billion dollars. Likewise, if jobs included health benefits, even at current wage levels, $2.1 billion in expenditures could be put to other uses.
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加州低薪工作的隐性公共成本
与中等收入工作相比,加州的新经济促进了高薪和低薪工作的增长。沙漏经济的发展意味着越来越多的低工资工人即使全职工作也无法养家糊口。因此,他们必须求助于公共援助来满足家庭的基本需求。卡罗尔-扎宾、阿林德拉吉特-杜比和肯-雅各布斯的这项研究首次量化了公共援助的成本。2002 年,加利福尼亚州有 200 万个工作家庭接受了公共援助。这种援助的价格标签为每年 100 亿美元,其中大部分支持给了全职工作者收入接近最低工资的家庭。作者分析了加州人参加的十大经济情况调查公共援助计划:这些项目包括:加州医疗保险、劳动收入税收抵免、CalWORKs、食品券、免费或减价午餐、妇女、婴儿和儿童营养计划、低收入供热和能源援助、健康家庭以及第 8 节租金援助。他们将这些计划的 2002 年管理数据与联邦政府当前人口调查的 2002 年详细人口和就业数据进行了比对。他们估算了有多少计划参与者属于工薪家庭,以及如果工人获得更高的工资和福利,可以节省多少费用。作者发现,经过经济情况调查的公共援助资金有一半提供给了有工作的家庭,而大多数接受公共援助的工人的工资接近最低工资。他们的结论是,低工资的全职工作并不能给这些家庭带来自给自足,而工资的微小提高就能让许多人脱离公共项目,为目前在等待名单上的家庭腾出稀缺资源。如果该州所有工人的最低工资都达到每小时 8 美元,那么项目成本将减少 27 亿美元。如果时薪提高到 14 美元,则将减少 56 亿美元的开支。同样,如果工作岗位包括医疗福利,即使按照目前的工资水平,也可将 21 亿美元的支出用于其他用途。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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