The New and Improved Chapter 11

S. Lubben
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

Chapter 11 has healed itself. According to some of its leading critics, chapter 11 is no longer the long, expensive process that it was in the 1980s - when storied companies like Pan Am slowly wasted away their remaining value in a vainglorious attempt to survive in a changed marketplace. Today's chapter 11 is a swift, market driven process that quickly moves troubled companies into more capable hands. And the credit for this change goes to control rights. In particular, advances in financial contracting are said to allow the parties to agree about who should exercise control over the firm's assets in any particular state of the world. Chapter 11 has then become a system of corporate reorganization that is dominated by a single creditor, or at least a small group of sophisticated creditors. In this paper I examine this putative new chapter 11. Unlike Baird, Rasmussen, and Skeel before me, I express some skepticism about the new state of affairs. I begin by addressing two basic questions: should chapter 11 be dominated by a parochial group and who might suffer under such a regime? In particular, I look at whether chapter 11 is appropriately deployed to address a firm's financial distress when that firm has already allocated its control rights to a single actor or a concentrated group of actors, like a DIP lender. I conclude that if the control rights description of the new chapter 11 is accurate, chapter 11 will only be used when it benefits the controlling creditor, and we should expect these sorts of creditors to capture most or all of these benefits. Moreover, we should expect that in some number of cases, the use of chapter 11 under a control rights regime will not be overall efficient, in that any gains come with corresponding losses to non-consenting parties. I then consider whether the empirical story told by these authors is plausible. Again in contrast to the leading scholars, I argue that control in a large modern firm is often inherently ambiguous and that control rights are always relative and state-dependant. Formal control may have little relation to actual, functional control. In this context, chapter 11 provides a forum for an organized resolution of these competing claims.
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新的和改进的第11章
第11章已经自愈。一些主要的批评人士认为,破产保护不再是上世纪80年代那样漫长而昂贵的过程——当时,像泛美航空这样的传奇公司为了在变化的市场中生存下去,虚荣地试图慢慢地浪费掉它们剩下的价值。今天的第11章是一个迅速的、市场驱动的过程,它能迅速将陷入困境的公司转移到更有能力的人手中。这一变化归功于控制权。特别是,金融合同的进步据说允许各方就谁应该在世界上任何特定国家对公司的资产行使控制权达成一致。于是,破产法第11章就变成了一个由单一债权人主导的公司重组体系,或者至少是一小群经验丰富的债权人。在本文中,我研究了这个假定的新的第11章。与我之前的贝尔德、拉斯穆森和斯基尔不同,我对事态的新状态表示了一些怀疑。我首先要解决两个基本问题:第11章是否应该由一个教区团体主导?在这样一个政权下,谁可能遭受苦难?特别是,当公司已经将其控制权分配给单个行为者或集中的行为者集团(如DIP贷方)时,我将研究第11章是否适当地用于解决公司的财务困境。我的结论是,如果新的第11章对控制权的描述是准确的,那么第11章只会在有利于控制债权人的情况下使用,我们应该期望这些类型的债权人获得大部分或全部这些利益。此外,我们应该预料到,在某些情况下,在控制权制度下使用第11章将不会是全面有效的,因为任何收益都会给不同意的各方带来相应的损失。然后,我考虑这些作者讲述的经验故事是否可信。再次与主要学者形成对比的是,我认为大型现代公司的控制权往往本质上是模糊的,控制权总是相对的,依赖于国家。正式控制可能与实际的、功能性的控制关系不大。在这方面,第11章为有组织地解决这些相互竞争的要求提供了一个论坛。
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