Conclusion to Part III

Christopher D. Kolenda
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Abstract

Why did the Bush and Obama administrations fixate on ineffective strategies? Confirmation bias reinforced the Bush administration’s belief that the war was over, that a small military effort could defeat the remnants of the Taliban, and that the international community could pick up the burden of reconstruction. Officials emphasized reports of progress within political, military, and economic silos and discounted evidence of mounting problems. The Obama administration’s belief that the Taliban would be unwilling to fight other Afghans and its frustration over the Karzai government’s endemic corruption, coupled with the Pentagon’s narrative about the ANSF’s readiness, reinforced the withdrawal timeline. Evidence mounted that the Afghan government was losing legitimacy, and the ANSF was corrupt and poorly led. The Taliban remained resilient with their sanctuaries in Pakistan and local support in Afghanistan intact. Still, the Obama administration would not reexamine the drawdown timeline until the disaster became apparent at the end of 2014. Poor strategic empathy compounded the effects of confirmation bias in both administrations. Civilian and military officials, focused in their silos, never addressed the cross-cutting issues that jeopardized US aims. Defense officials had to use subtle language about risks to avoid running afoul of the White House, but no one in Congress picked up the nuances....
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第三部分结束语
为什么布什和奥巴马政府执着于无效的战略?确认偏误强化了布什政府的信念,即战争已经结束,一次小小的军事努力就能击败塔利班残余势力,国际社会可以承担起重建的重任。官员们强调在政治、军事和经济领域取得进展的报告,对问题日益增多的证据不予理会。奥巴马政府认为塔利班不愿与其他阿富汗人作战,对卡尔扎伊政府普遍存在的腐败感到失望,再加上五角大楼关于阿富汗安全部队准备就绪的说法,这些都加强了撤军时间表。越来越多的证据表明,阿富汗政府正在失去合法性,阿富汗安全部队腐败且领导不力。塔利班在巴基斯坦的庇护所和阿富汗当地的支持下仍然保持着活力。尽管如此,奥巴马政府直到2014年底灾难变得明显之后才会重新审视撤军时间表。在两届政府中,糟糕的战略同理心加剧了确认偏误的影响。文职官员和军方官员都专注于各自的领域,从未解决危及美国目标的交叉问题。国防部官员不得不使用微妙的语言来描述风险,以避免与白宫发生冲突,但国会中没有人领会其中的细微差别....
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