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Zero-Sum Victory最新文献

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Fallout 影响
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctt22p7j53.37
Christopher D. Kolenda
The final chapter on the Afghanistan case study argues that the Obama administration agreed to withdraw from Afghanistan when the country’s situation was highly unsatisfactory, and U.S. leverage was at a low point. The Taliban remained resilient, and the Afghan government plagued with problems of corruption and predation.
关于阿富汗案例研究的最后一章认为,奥巴马政府同意从阿富汗撤军时,该国的局势非常不令人满意,美国的影响力处于低点。塔利班依然顽强,阿富汗政府饱受腐败和掠夺问题的困扰。
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引用次数: 0
From Decisive Victory to Transition 从决定性胜利到过渡
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813152769.003.0027
Christopher D. Kolenda
As the Bush administration drifted from a decisive-victory approach toward transition-and-withdraw, the CPA disbanded, and control was given to the Iraqis. The U.S. aimed to contain the Sunni insurgency so that Iraqi forces could handle it, but decisions surrounding elections and the new constitution further deepened the rift between Sunni and Shia. While the Bush administration kept ignoring the signs, the Sunni insurgency had become sustainable, enjoying local popular and external support.
随着布什政府从“决定性胜利”转向“过渡和撤军”,“全面和平协议”被解散,控制权交给了伊拉克人。美国的目标是遏制逊尼派叛乱,以便伊拉克军队能够处理它,但围绕选举和新宪法的决定进一步加深了逊尼派和什叶派之间的裂痕。虽然布什政府一直无视这些迹象,但逊尼派叛乱已经变得可持续,得到了当地民众和外部的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Failing to Keep Pace with the Insurgency, 2007–2009 未能跟上叛乱的步伐,2007-2009年
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813152769.003.0011
Christopher D. Kolenda
This chapter argues that the patron-client relationship between the U.S. and the Afghan governments became increasingly strained through misunderstandings and miscommunication. The Bush administration assumed that its interests were shared by a Karzai government in control of the country, but Karzai’s power was continuously being challenged and his trust in U.S. support was limited. As Karzai aimed of secure his power, the scale of corruption and the alienation of parts of the population only grew further. The Bush administration, however, did not fully understand the limitations of its partner government nor the extent of the growing insurgency.
本章认为,由于误解和沟通不畅,美国和阿富汗政府之间的主顾关系变得越来越紧张。布什政府认为,控制阿富汗的卡尔扎伊政府与美国利益一致,但卡尔扎伊的权力不断受到挑战,他对美国支持的信任有限。由于卡尔扎伊的目标是确保他的权力,腐败的规模和部分人口的疏远只会进一步扩大。然而,布什政府并没有完全了解其伙伴政府的局限性,也没有充分了解日益增长的叛乱的程度。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion to Part V 第五部分结束语
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/9674.003.0037
J. Benthem
This book draws on ideas from philosophical logic, computational logic, multi-agent systems, and game theory to offer a comprehensive account of logic and games viewed in two complementary ways. It examines the logic of games: the development of sophisticated modern dynamic logics that model information flow, communication, and interactive structures in games. It also examines logic as games: the idea that logical activities of reasoning and many related tasks can be viewed in the form of games. In doing so, the book takes up the "intelligent interaction" of agents engaging in competitive or cooperative activities and examines the patterns of strategic behavior that arise. It develops modern logical systems that can analyze information-driven changes in players' knowledge and beliefs, and introduces the "Theory of Play" that emerges from the combination of logic and game theory. This results in a new view of logic itself as an interactive rational activity based on reasoning, perception, and communication that has particular relevance for games. Logic in Games, based on a course taught by the author at Stanford University, the University of Amsterdam, and elsewhere, can be used in advanced seminars and as a resource for researchers.
这本书借鉴了哲学逻辑,计算逻辑,多代理系统和博弈论的思想,以两种互补的方式提供了逻辑和游戏的全面说明。它考察了游戏的逻辑:复杂的现代动态逻辑的发展,模拟了游戏中的信息流、交流和互动结构。它还将逻辑视为游戏:推理的逻辑活动和许多相关任务可以以游戏的形式来看待。在此过程中,本书探讨了参与竞争或合作活动的代理人之间的“智能互动”,并考察了由此产生的战略行为模式。它发展了可以分析信息驱动的玩家知识和信念变化的现代逻辑系统,并引入了逻辑学与博弈论相结合而产生的“游戏理论”。这产生了一种新的观点,即逻辑本身是一种基于推理、感知和交流的互动理性活动,与游戏有着特殊的关联。《游戏中的逻辑》基于作者在斯坦福大学、阿姆斯特丹大学和其他地方教授的课程,可以在高级研讨会上使用,也可以作为研究人员的资源。
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引用次数: 0
The Decisive Victory Paradigm Undermines Strategy for Irregular War 决定性胜利范式破坏了非常规战争的战略
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813152769.003.0004
Christopher D. Kolenda
This chapter argues that the U.S. national security establishment is organized intellectually and bureaucratically around the ability to wage conventional war. In irregular war, factors for success might differ from conventional war. With counterinsurgencies, reducing tangible support for the insurgency and winning the battle for legitimacy are the two critical factors for success.
本章认为,美国国家安全机构是围绕发动常规战争的能力在智力上和官僚上组织起来的。在非常规战争中,成功的因素可能与常规战争不同。在反叛乱方面,减少对叛乱的实际支持和赢得合法性之战是成功的两个关键因素。
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引用次数: 0
Competing Visions 竞争观念
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813152769.003.0020
Christopher D. Kolenda
This chapter addresses the conflicting views on reconciliation of Afghan President Karzai, the Taliban, and their supporter Pakistan. It shows the complex web of interests and relations shaping the Afghan political development which complicated any reconciliation efforts.
本章讨论了阿富汗总统卡尔扎伊、塔利班和他们的支持者巴基斯坦在和解问题上相互矛盾的观点。它显示了影响阿富汗政治发展的利益和关系的复杂网络,使任何和解努力复杂化。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion to Part VII 第七部分结束语
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1201/b11298-39
Christopher D. Kolenda
The picture that emerges of war termination in Iraq is one of sophisticated military efforts and fragmented political activities that were powered by poor strategic empathy and untethered to an integrated strategy. As discussed in Part IV, the Bush administration assumed a decisive victory over Saddam Hussein’s fielded forces would yield lasting success. Obsessed with military details, the US government failed to develop a strategy that brought together and managed the elements of national power to bring about a favorable and durable outcome. When decisive victory failed to materialize, the United States was left scrambling for a way forward. The failure to consider war termination led to a myopic strategy that fixated on the military campaign and ignored the aftermath, and set the stage for the super-empowerment of mostly Shi’a exiles and elites and decisions to launch a de-Ba’athification campaign and disband the Iraqi Army. Aggressive military efforts fed perceptions of Sunni Arab disenfranchisement. The latter fought back, igniting a fierce insurgency. This gap in strategy heightened the risk that the war would turn into a quagmire....
伊拉克战争结束的画面是一幅复杂的军事努力和分散的政治活动的画面,它们是由糟糕的战略同理心和不受综合战略约束驱动的。正如第四部分所讨论的那样,布什政府认为对萨达姆·侯赛因的野战部队的决定性胜利将带来持久的成功。美国政府沉迷于军事细节,未能制定出一项战略,将国家力量的各个因素结合在一起,并加以管理,以带来有利而持久的结果。当决定性的胜利未能实现时,美国只能挣扎着寻找前进的道路。未能考虑战争的结束导致了一种目光短浅的战略,只关注军事行动而忽视了后果,并为大多数什叶派流亡者和精英的超级权力创造了条件,并决定发起一场去复兴党化的运动,并解散伊拉克军队。激进的军事行动助长了逊尼派阿拉伯人被剥夺公民权的看法。后者进行了反击,引发了一场激烈的叛乱。这种战略上的差距加大了战争陷入泥潭的风险....
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引用次数: 0
Iraq and Afghanistan Compared 伊拉克和阿富汗比较
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813152769.003.0039
Christopher D. Kolenda
This chapter compares the insights from both case studies to show how the lack of war termination terminology led the U.S. to adopt myopic strategies aimed at decisive victory while ignoring the critical factors for such victory. In both Afghanistan and Iraq, the U.S. military invasion gave way to predatory governments, but the U.S. was slow to revise its strategy. Cognitive biases, bureaucratic silos, and patron-client issues led the U.S. to stick with strategies and ignore adverse signs. When the U.S. wanted to withdraw from those countries, bargaining asymmetries left them in a weak position, forcing them to withdraw without having achieved a durable and favorable outcome. By comparing those two cases, the chapter highlights the systemic nature of these problems.
本章比较了这两个案例研究的见解,以表明缺乏战争终止术语如何导致美国采取旨在取得决定性胜利的短视战略,而忽视了这种胜利的关键因素。在阿富汗和伊拉克,美国的军事入侵都让位于掠夺性的政府,但美国在调整战略方面行动迟缓。认知偏见、官僚主义孤岛和主顾问题导致美国坚持战略,忽视不利迹象。当美国想要退出这些国家时,谈判的不对称使他们处于弱势地位,迫使他们在没有取得持久和有利结果的情况下退出。通过对这两个案例的比较,本章突出了这些问题的系统性。
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引用次数: 0
America’s Bureaucratic Way of War 美国的官僚主义战争方式
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813152769.003.0008
Christopher D. Kolenda
This chapter argues that the structure of the U.S. national security apparatus favors compartmentalization over cooperation and coordination, leading to a focus on the micro-level and a lack of accountability. The separation of rebuilding tasks between different U.S. agencies, but also between different international actors, was quickly and aptly exploited by Afghan elites to promote personal and political power. Ineffective decisions stemming from compartmentalization created a sense of alienation and unwanted military occupation among the Afghan population. While Karzai struggled to get U.S. support, and disputes between local leaders led to civilian harm, the Taliban started to reorganize.
本章认为,美国国家安全机构的结构倾向于分工而不是合作与协调,导致关注微观层面,缺乏问责制。重建任务在不同的美国机构之间以及不同的国际行动者之间的分离,被阿富汗精英迅速而恰当地利用,以提升个人和政治权力。分隔造成的无效决定在阿富汗人民中造成一种疏离感和不必要的军事占领。当卡尔扎伊努力争取美国的支持,当地领导人之间的争端导致平民受伤时,塔利班开始重组。
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引用次数: 0
Mirror Imaging Civil-Military Relations 镜像军民关系
Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813152769.003.0031
Christopher D. Kolenda
This chapter introduces the ideas of subjective and objective civilian control over the military. The U.S., having a system of objective control, pushed Iraq to adopt the same system. Maliki, however, fearing a coup, pushed for subjective control over the Iraqi Security Forces to replace individuals unfavorable of him.
本章介绍了军民主体控制和客观控制的思想。拥有客观控制体系的美国也向伊拉克施压。然而,马利基担心发生政变,他推动了对伊拉克安全部队的主观控制,以取代对他不利的人。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Zero-Sum Victory
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