Fragmenting the body

Joanna Brück
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Abstract

In 2002, the extraordinarily wealthy inhumation burial of a single adult male was discovered less than 5 kilometres from Stonehenge in Wiltshire. The Amesbury Archer, as he soon came to be known, was buried sometime between 2380 and 2290 BC (Fitzpatrick 2011), and he was accompanied by an array of grave goods including three copper knives, a pair of gold ornaments, five Beaker pots, seventeen barbed and tanged arrowheads, two stone bracers, a shale belt ring, and a possible cushion stone for the working of metal objects. The appearance of single burials with grave goods at the beginning of the Chalcolithic has long been interpreted as indicating the emergence of an ideology of the individual (e.g. Renfrew 1974; Shennan 1982). The objects buried with the Archer have been viewed as a direct reflection of his wealth and status, and the discovery seems to support established views of Bronze Age society as increasingly hierarchical—dominated by individuals who drew political power from success in long-distance exchange, control over specialist technologies such as metalworking, and prowess in hunting and warfare (Needham 2000a; Needham et al. 2010; Sheridan 2012). It has frequently been recognized, however, that such evolutionist narratives in fact present a reductionist reading of the evidence (e.g. Petersen 1972; Petersen et al. 1975, 49; Brück 2004a; Gibson, A. 2004), and detailed evaluation of human remains from both mortuary contexts and elsewhere indicates considerable variability in the treatment and perception of the human body (Sofaer Derevenski 2002; Gibson, A. 2004; Brück 2006a; Fitzpatrick 2011, 201–2; Appleby 2013; Fowler 2013, ch. 4). We will return to consider the significance of grave goods in Chapter 3; here we will focus on the treatment of the body both in Bronze Age mortuary rites and in other forms of social and ritual practice. As we shall see, the bodies of the dead were manipulated in complex ways that indicate the existence of concepts of the self that differ profoundly from those familiar from our own cultural context.
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肢解身体
2002年,在离威尔特郡巨石阵不到5公里的地方发现了一具极其富有的成年男性的人葬。埃姆斯伯里弓箭手,就像他很快被人所知的那样,被埋葬在公元前2380年到2290年之间的某个时候(Fitzpatrick 2011),他的陪葬品包括三把铜刀,一对金饰,五个烧杯,17个带刺的箭头,两个石手镯,一个页岩带环,以及一个可能用于金属制品加工的垫石。铜石器时代初期出现的带有墓穴物品的单一墓葬一直被解释为表明个人意识形态的出现(例如Renfrew 1974;深南1982)。与弓箭手一起埋葬的物品被认为是他的财富和地位的直接反映,这一发现似乎支持了关于青铜器时代社会的既定观点,即社会等级越来越高,由个人主导,他们从长距离交换的成功中获得政治权力,对金属加工等专业技术的控制,以及狩猎和战争的实力(Needham 2000a;Needham et al. 2010;谢里丹2012)。然而,人们经常认识到,这种进化论者的叙述实际上是对证据的一种简化主义解读(例如,Petersen 1972;Petersen et al. 1975,49;勃拉克2004;Gibson, A. 2004),对停尸房和其他地方的人类遗骸的详细评估表明,对人体的处理和感知存在相当大的差异(Sofaer Derevenski 2002;Gibson, A. 2004;勃拉克2006;Fitzpatrick 2011, 201-2;Appleby 2013;Fowler 2013,第4章)。我们将在第3章中回过头来考虑坟墓物品的意义;在这里,我们将重点讨论在青铜时代的殡葬仪式和其他形式的社会和仪式实践中对尸体的处理。正如我们将看到的,死者的尸体被以复杂的方式操纵,这表明了自我概念的存在,这些概念与我们自己的文化背景中所熟悉的概念有着深刻的不同。
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Introduction: Identity and alterity in Bronze Age Britain and Ireland Object biographies Conclusion: The flow of life in Bronze Age Britain and Ireland Social landscapes Fragmenting the body
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