Taking back control? Brexit and the Court of Justice

N. Skoutaris
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Abstract

Introduction On 23 June 2016, 52 per cent of voters that participated in the Brexit referendum voted to leave the EU. The message of the Leave Campaign to ‘take back control’ struck a chord with the majority of the electorate. Notwithstanding the separate reasons that led each and every one of those voters to vote in favour of the withdrawal of the UK from the EU, it is interesting to note that the UK government has interpreted this vote as an urge to shield the UK legal order from the influence of EU law. The prime minister, Theresa May, in her first speech in a party conference as leader of the Conservative party noted: ‘Our laws [should be] made not in Brussels but in Westminster. Our judges [should be] sitting not in Luxembourg but in courts across the land. The authority of EU law in this country [should be] ended forever.’ The stance of the UK government towards EU law and its main interpreter, the Court of Justice is hardly surprising, if one takes into account the following. First, even from the very beginning of the UK’s EU membership, the EU law principles of primacy and direct effect upon which the EU constitutional order is founded were sitting uncomfortably with parliamentary sovereignty which consists of the paramount principle of the UK legal order. Brexit offers an unprecedented opportunity to the UK legal order to ‘divorce’ from those ‘foreign’ legal principles that have created tectonic changes to it. Second, the result of the referendum shed light on the fact that the UK electorate was not in support of the current level of EU integration. Of course, ‘integration is fundamentally a political process’ but ‘law has a vital role to play in the process.’ In that sense, the detachment of the UK legal order from that of the EU and its institutions is almost a logical consequence of that vote.
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夺回控制权?英国脱欧和法院
2016年6月23日,参加英国脱欧公投的选民中有52%投票决定退出欧盟。脱欧运动“夺回控制权”的信息引起了大多数选民的共鸣。尽管每位选民投票支持英国退出欧盟的原因各不相同,但有趣的是,英国政府将这次投票解释为保护英国法律秩序不受欧盟法律影响的一种冲动。英国首相特蕾莎·梅(Theresa May)作为保守党领袖首次在党内会议上发表讲话时指出:“我们的法律(应该)由威斯敏斯特制定,而不是布鲁塞尔。”我们的法官(不应该)坐在卢森堡,而应该坐在全国各地的法院。欧盟法律在这个国家的权威应该永远结束。如果考虑到以下几点,英国政府对欧盟法律及其主要解释者——欧洲法院的立场就不足为奇了。首先,即使从英国加入欧盟之初,欧盟宪法秩序赖以建立的欧盟法律至上原则和直接影响原则,就与构成英国法律秩序最高原则的议会主权格格不入。英国脱欧为英国法律秩序提供了一个前所未有的机会,可以与那些给英国带来结构性变化的“外国”法律原则“离婚”。其次,公投结果揭示了一个事实,即英国选民并不支持当前的欧盟一体化水平。当然,“一体化从根本上说是一个政治过程”,但“法律在这个过程中发挥着至关重要的作用”。从这个意义上说,英国法律秩序与欧盟及其机构的分离几乎是那次公投的一个合乎逻辑的结果。
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Taking back control? Brexit and the Court of Justice Critical junctures and the future of international courts in a post-liberal world order The future of investor-state dispute settlement Towards separate opinions at the Court of Justice of the European Union Delegitimation of global courts
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