Reactions in Communist China: An Analysis of Letters to Newspaper Editors.

O. Clubb, Charles K. A. Wang, S. Chiu, Wen-Hui C. Chen, Charles K. A. Wang
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Abstract

by the Communists." He produces an example. General Wedemeyer in a speech in 1946 revealed his belief that the Chinese empire in the nineteenth century "consisted essentially of feudal dynasties, whose leaders, or warlords, paid tribute to the Emperor," and went on to praise the achievements of that great leader Chiang Kai-shek, who, he suggested, was devoted to the principle of free enterprise. I t is clear that General Wedemeyer would never pass an examination in Chinese history, and Lord Lindsay quite justly points out the error of supposing that the Kuomintang favoured free enterprise in the American sense. But, seriously, is this of the slightest importance? Does Lord Lindsay really think that mistakes of this kind, resulting from a lack of acquaintance with Chinese affairs, are to be mentioned in the same breath with the Communist fabrications? Why does he not simply prove his point by giving us an American falsification of Chinese history "quite as bad" as the Communist stories of germ warfare? Indeed, Lord Lindsay seems far too apt to make mountains out of molehills. For instance, it is common knowledge that the authorities in Chungking retained contact with some of the civil and military officials of the Wang Chingwei regime. We learn from Lord Lindsay that General Ho Ying-ch'in told the American Air Force that it would be safe for American airmen to make forced landings in certain areas held by "puppet" units, as he had sufficient authority with these latter to secure the return of any such Americans. To most people, all this would seem a commendable example of old-fashioned Chinese commonsense, but Lord Lindsay will have no truck with it and denounces it as "evidence of Kuomintang-Japanese collaboration." As Lord Lindsay tells us himself that General Ho was at pains to explain to his American friends that he was able to make such an arrangement only because the "puppet" troops had comparatively few Japanese attached to them, it is not easy to see how he can have arrived at such a conclusion. HENRY MCALEAVY School of Oriental and African Studies University of London
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共产主义中国的反应:对报纸编辑来信的分析。
是共产党干的。”他举了一个例子。魏德迈将军在1946年的一次演讲中表示,他认为19世纪的中华帝国“基本上由封建王朝组成,其领导人或军阀向皇帝进贡”,并接着赞扬了伟大领袖蒋介石的成就,他认为蒋介石致力于自由企业原则。很明显,魏德迈将军永远不会通过中国历史的考试,林德赛勋爵非常公正地指出,假设国民党喜欢美国意义上的自由企业是错误的。但是,说真的,这一点都不重要吗?林赛勋爵真的认为,由于对中国事务缺乏了解而造成的这种错误,应该与共产党的捏造相提并论吗?为什么他不简单地证明他的观点,给我们一个美国人对中国历史的歪曲,“相当糟糕”,就像共产党的细菌战故事一样?的确,林赛勋爵似乎太容易小题大做了。例如,众所周知,重庆当局与汪精卫政权的一些文武官员保持着联系。我们从林赛勋爵那里得知,何应钦将军告诉美国空军,美国空军在“傀儡”部队控制的某些地区强行降落是安全的,因为他对这些“傀儡”部队有足够的权力,可以确保任何这样的美国人返回。对大多数人来说,这一切似乎都是中国传统常识的一个值得称赞的例子,但林德赛勋爵对此不屑一顾,并谴责这是“国民军与日本勾结的证据”。正如林赛勋爵亲自告诉我们的那样,何将军煞费苦心地向他的美国朋友解释,他之所以能够做出这样的安排,只是因为“傀儡”部队的日本人相对较少,很难看出他是如何得出这样的结论的。伦敦大学东方与非洲研究学院
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