India’s Democracy: The Competitive Authoritarian Propensity?

IF 1.4 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pacific Affairs Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI:10.5509/2023964747
Rahul Mukherji, Seyed Hossein Zarhani
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Abstract

This paper explains and corroborates the mechanisms by which civic and political spaces opposed to Hindu nationalism have been attacked, especially after the arrival of the right-wing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in 2014. Three mechanisms are discerned for replacing pluralistic values with Hindu majoritarian ones. Sometimes institutions are just allowed to drift by interpreting old rules in new ways. For example, no formal rules for media control have changed but the government’s control over media has increased substantially. At other times, incremental legal and policy changes are executed to make the change explicit, often building on a new moral purpose. To give another example, the FCRA (2010) was amended and weaponized against NGOs in a layered way in 2020. Finally, when political opposition is weak, institutions that have provided guarantees for protecting diversity have simply been displaced by new and radically different ones. This was the case with abrogating Article 370, which converted the special status of the subnational state of Jammu and Kashmir to the status of two federally administered union territories—Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh. These mechanisms place India in a competitive authoritarian frame, where those in power deploy electoral majorities to systematically attack the political opposition, making it more difficult for it to rise. Despite these propensities, opposition parties have won elections in some of India’s subnational states. The challenges facing the world’s most populous democracy are significant, even though competitive elements co-exist. These elements in a competitive authoritarian regime, however, are under severe stress. India’s democratic credentials can be revived only if the competitive elements of India’s democracy stand united against ethno-nationalist Hindu majoritarianism.
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印度的民主:竞争性威权倾向?
本文解释并证实了反对印度教民族主义的公民和政治空间受到攻击的机制,特别是在2014年右翼印度教民族主义印度人民党(BJP)政府上台后。用印度教多数主义价值观取代多元价值观的机制有三种。有时,机构只是被允许以新的方式解释旧规则。例如,媒体控制的正式规则没有改变,但政府对媒体的控制却大大增加了。在其他时候,执行渐进式的法律和政策变化以使变化更加明确,通常建立在新的道德目的之上。再举一个例子,FCRA(2010)在2020年被修改,并以分层的方式对非政府组织进行武器化。最后,当政治反对力量薄弱时,为保护多样性提供保障的制度就会被全新的、截然不同的制度所取代。废除第370条就是这种情况,该条款将查谟和克什米尔的次民族邦的特殊地位转变为两个联邦管理的联邦领土-查谟和克什米尔以及拉达克的地位。这些机制将印度置于一个竞争性的威权框架中,掌权者利用选举多数有系统地攻击政治反对派,使其更难以崛起。尽管有这些倾向,反对党还是赢得了印度一些地方邦的选举。这个世界上人口最多的民主国家面临着严峻的挑战,尽管竞争因素并存。然而,在一个竞争性的专制政权中,这些因素正面临着严峻的压力。只有当印度民主的竞争因素团结起来反对民族主义的印度教多数主义时,印度的民主资格才能恢复。
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来源期刊
Pacific Affairs
Pacific Affairs AREA STUDIES-
CiteScore
1.60
自引率
12.50%
发文量
18
期刊介绍: Pacific Affairs has, over the years, celebrated and fostered a community of scholars and people active in the life of Asia and the Pacific. It has published scholarly articles of contemporary significance on Asia and the Pacific since 1928. Its initial incarnation from 1926 to 1928 was as a newsletter for the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR), but since May 1928, it has been published continuously as a quarterly under the same name. The IPR was a collaborative organization established in 1925 by leaders from several YMCA branches in the Asia Pacific, to “study the conditions of the Pacific people with a view to the improvement of their mutual relations.”
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