Transnasal endoscopic sphenopalatine artery occlusion procedures are becoming the standard of care for intractable posterior epistaxis. Improved endoscopic anatomical features of the lateral nasal wall and endoscopic skill with high-resolution cameras result in a higher success rate of endoscopic intervention. To evaluate the safety and effectiveness of endoscopic cauterization of the sphenopalatine artery (ESPAC) in controlling intractable posterior nasal bleeding. This prospective cohort study enrolled patients with refractory posterior epistaxis from August 2016 to December 2019. The trial recruited patients between 18 and 65 years of age with a history of recurrent and refractory posterior epistaxis receiving endoscopic arterial cauterization due to conservative treatment failure. All of the cases involved bipolar cauterization. Recurrent nosebleeds must pause for at least three months for a procedure to be considered successful. In the first 30 days following surgery, complications are recorded. 415 patients with epistaxis received both inpatient and outpatient care. Transnasal ESPAC was necessary for 36 patients (11.5%). The most common comorbidity was hypertension accounting for 9 (23%) cases. Thus, 26 of 36 (72%) cases had a unilateral ESPAC, while 10 (28%) had a bilateral ESPAC. Twenty-two (61%) and ten (28%) patients had single and two branching patterns of the sphenopalatine artery, respectively. Septal correction and middle meatus antrostomy (44%) were the most performed additional procedures. During the three-month follow-up period, 35 patients in this study had epistaxis control; the success rate of ESPAC was 97.2%. There were no significant postoperative complications found. Endoscopic sphenopalatine artery cauterization is successful in controlling 97.2% of posterior epistaxis. It is safe and effective without any significant complications.
{"title":"Management of Recurrent and Refractory Posterior Epistaxis by Transnasal Endoscopic Sphenopalatine Artery Cauterization: a Prospective Cohort Study.","authors":"Karthik Sundarajan, Suresh Mani, Karthiga Arumugam","doi":"10.1007/s12070-023-03793-3","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s12070-023-03793-3","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Transnasal endoscopic sphenopalatine artery occlusion procedures are becoming the standard of care for intractable posterior epistaxis. Improved endoscopic anatomical features of the lateral nasal wall and endoscopic skill with high-resolution cameras result in a higher success rate of endoscopic intervention. To evaluate the safety and effectiveness of endoscopic cauterization of the sphenopalatine artery (ESPAC) in controlling intractable posterior nasal bleeding. This prospective cohort study enrolled patients with refractory posterior epistaxis from August 2016 to December 2019. The trial recruited patients between 18 and 65 years of age with a history of recurrent and refractory posterior epistaxis receiving endoscopic arterial cauterization due to conservative treatment failure. All of the cases involved bipolar cauterization. Recurrent nosebleeds must pause for at least three months for a procedure to be considered successful. In the first 30 days following surgery, complications are recorded. 415 patients with epistaxis received both inpatient and outpatient care. Transnasal ESPAC was necessary for 36 patients (11.5%). The most common comorbidity was hypertension accounting for 9 (23%) cases. Thus, 26 of 36 (72%) cases had a unilateral ESPAC, while 10 (28%) had a bilateral ESPAC. Twenty-two (61%) and ten (28%) patients had single and two branching patterns of the sphenopalatine artery, respectively. Septal correction and middle meatus antrostomy (44%) were the most performed additional procedures. During the three-month follow-up period, 35 patients in this study had epistaxis control; the success rate of ESPAC was 97.2%. There were no significant postoperative complications found. Endoscopic sphenopalatine artery cauterization is successful in controlling 97.2% of posterior epistaxis. It is safe and effective without any significant complications.</p>","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":"75 1","pages":"2792-2797"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10645779/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91290596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An election held under semi-authoritarian conditions in Fiji in December 2022 saw a narrow defeat for coup leader Frank Bainimarama's incumbent FijiFirst Party. This paper looks at the political parties, the campaign issues, and the results. It argues that fear of yet another coup, as occurred in 1987, 2000, and 2006, was a critical factor determining election outcomes in 2014 and 2018, but a credible rejection of that option by the Republic of Fiji Military Forces in 2022 and an opposition campaign that could no longer be depicted as ethno-nationalist paved the way for regime change in Fiji.
{"title":"Fiji's 2022 Election: The Defeat of the Politics of Fear","authors":"Jon Fraenkel","doi":"10.5509/2023963531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023963531","url":null,"abstract":"An election held under semi-authoritarian conditions in Fiji in December 2022 saw a narrow defeat for coup leader Frank Bainimarama's incumbent FijiFirst Party. This paper looks at the political parties, the campaign issues, and the results. It argues that fear of yet another coup,\u0000 as occurred in 1987, 2000, and 2006, was a critical factor determining election outcomes in 2014 and 2018, but a credible rejection of that option by the Republic of Fiji Military Forces in 2022 and an opposition campaign that could no longer be depicted as ethno-nationalist paved the way\u0000 for regime change in Fiji.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46373031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study uses leadership trait analysis to examine the link between personality and policy regarding South Korea's Sunshine Policy toward North Korea and demonstrates that Kim Dae-jung's personality characteristics largely accounted for this policy's content, process, and outcome. With an analytical focus on the decision-making system, this study finds that Kim's formal model was characterized by a control deemed inherently more indirect, subtle, and socialized than direct, personalized, or outright. Specifically, this type of control can be attributed to Kim's personality traits, such as a persistently high need for power and relationship focus, along with other idiosyncratic style variables, such as disinclination toward interpersonal conflict, a sense of efficacy, and a sophisticated cognitive quality. President Kim's resulting management style had the e ect of empowering members of his advisory group and invigorating the policy process. In addition, the president's trusted chief of staff, who served as a competent and thoughtful custodian manager with substantial authority, helped manage the system effectively and enhanced its stability. The study concludes that Kim Dae- jung's management style, incorporating socialized control over decision- making, combined with his advocate leadership style in implementation (marked by a relentless push for his rapprochement agenda and a tendency to challenge constraints indirectly), helped accelerate the overall policy process. This contributed to the improvement of inter-Korean relations during his presidency.
{"title":"Presidential Personality and Foreign Policy Decision-Making: The Sunshine Policy under Kim Dae-jung (1998–2003)","authors":"Shin Yon Kim","doi":"10.5509/2023962493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023962493","url":null,"abstract":"This study uses leadership trait analysis to examine the link between personality and policy regarding South Korea's Sunshine Policy toward North Korea and demonstrates that Kim Dae-jung's personality characteristics largely accounted for this policy's content, process, and outcome.\u0000 With an analytical focus on the decision-making system, this study finds that Kim's formal model was characterized by a control deemed inherently more indirect, subtle, and socialized than direct, personalized, or outright. Specifically, this type of control can be attributed to Kim's personality\u0000 traits, such as a persistently high need for power and relationship focus, along with other idiosyncratic style variables, such as disinclination toward interpersonal conflict, a sense of efficacy, and a sophisticated cognitive quality. President Kim's resulting management style had the e\u0000 ect of empowering members of his advisory group and invigorating the policy process. In addition, the president's trusted chief of staff, who served as a competent and thoughtful custodian manager with substantial authority, helped manage the system effectively and enhanced its stability.\u0000 The study concludes that Kim Dae- jung's management style, incorporating socialized control over decision- making, combined with his advocate leadership style in implementation (marked by a relentless push for his rapprochement agenda and a tendency to challenge constraints indirectly), helped\u0000 accelerate the overall policy process. This contributed to the improvement of inter-Korean relations during his presidency.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46119285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing on a variety of material—mass and social media texts, government reports, and everyday observations—this article examines two interrelated dynamics in Malaysia in 2020–2021: the COVID-19 pandemic's unfolding local trajectory and the short-lived Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition's governance capacity. Despite political instability resulting from this government's rise to power following internal political manouevrings, it managed to e ectively control a major wave of cases with the help of a centralized healthcare system manned by permanent professional sta and the imposition of coercive measures. Thus, Malaysia's success in "governing" the early phase of the pandemic is arguably attributable to its strong state infrastructure, notwithstanding the untimely unfolding of this political coup. However, an ideal type approach—that is, concern with state capacity—is inadequate in making sense of subsequent failures to control the pandemic after a state election took place several months later. Using Migdal's "state-in-society" approach, this article focuses on the political process of pandemic governance to shed light on Malaysia's shifting state capabilities. Arguably, the resulting shifting responses were mainly shaped by: (1) continuous partisanship; (2) PN's internal fragmentation; (3) PN's complacency in initially "flattening the curve"; and (4) poor governance during the state election.
{"title":"Governing the COVID-19 Pandemic in Malaysia: Shifting Capacity under a Fragmented Political Leadership","authors":"Por Heong Hong","doi":"10.5509/2023963469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023963469","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on a variety of material—mass and social media texts, government reports, and everyday observations—this article examines two interrelated dynamics in Malaysia in 2020–2021: the COVID-19 pandemic's unfolding local trajectory and the short-lived Perikatan Nasional\u0000 (PN) coalition's governance capacity. Despite political instability resulting from this government's rise to power following internal political manouevrings, it managed to e ectively control a major wave of cases with the help of a centralized healthcare system manned by permanent professional\u0000 sta and the imposition of coercive measures. Thus, Malaysia's success in \"governing\" the early phase of the pandemic is arguably attributable to its strong state infrastructure, notwithstanding the untimely unfolding of this political coup. However, an ideal type approach—that is, concern\u0000 with state capacity—is inadequate in making sense of subsequent failures to control the pandemic after a state election took place several months later. Using Migdal's \"state-in-society\" approach, this article focuses on the political process of pandemic governance to shed light on Malaysia's\u0000 shifting state capabilities. Arguably, the resulting shifting responses were mainly shaped by: (1) continuous partisanship; (2) PN's internal fragmentation; (3) PN's complacency in initially \"flattening the curve\"; and (4) poor governance during the state election.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43750606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Frequently cited in the literature on recent Thai politics, Duncan McCargo's influential "network monarchy" concept is nonetheless inadequately developed. As such, it has been questioned and challenged by several scholars in recent years. In his 2021 Pacific Affairs article, McCargo rebuts many of these scholars' arguments and defends his concept. His defence is unpersuasive, however. It falls short of elaborating on the scope, composition, and modus operandi of network monarchy, leaving the shortcomings of his original concept unrectified. Most seriously, McCargo now accentuates the "ambiguous" quality of network monarchy—a quality he did not emphasize originally—in order to accommodate new empirical anomalies and counter his critics. By so doing, he renders his argument unfalsifiable. Drawing on Robert Cribb's thoughts, this article first spells out why or how the insu ciently developed network monarchy concept has become so widespread in the first place. It then examines the untenable nature of McCargo's rejoinder to his critics, especially to Eugénie Mérieau.
{"title":"\"Ambiguous\" Network Monarchy as Problematic Euphoric Couplet","authors":"Yoshinori Nishizaki","doi":"10.5509/2023963553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023963553","url":null,"abstract":"Frequently cited in the literature on recent Thai politics, Duncan McCargo's influential \"network monarchy\" concept is nonetheless inadequately developed. As such, it has been questioned and challenged by several scholars in recent years. In his 2021 Pacific Affairs article,\u0000 McCargo rebuts many of these scholars' arguments and defends his concept. His defence is unpersuasive, however. It falls short of elaborating on the scope, composition, and modus operandi of network monarchy, leaving the shortcomings of his original concept unrectified. Most seriously, McCargo\u0000 now accentuates the \"ambiguous\" quality of network monarchy—a quality he did not emphasize originally—in order to accommodate new empirical anomalies and counter his critics. By so doing, he renders his argument unfalsifiable. Drawing on Robert Cribb's thoughts, this article first\u0000 spells out why or how the insu ciently developed network monarchy concept has become so widespread in the first place. It then examines the untenable nature of McCargo's rejoinder to his critics, especially to Eugénie Mérieau.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41665956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article argues that Malaysia's 2022 General Election (GE15) amplified negative campaigning via new techniques associated with platform and technological advancements, led by creative innovations in campaign tactics, including livestreaming and video content. GE15 was the freest election campaign in Malaysia's history. All political parties and coalitions enjoyed access to a wide range of mainstream and online media to disseminate content, and new platforms like TikTok emerged as influential conduits of campaign messages. Yet serious problems in this digital public sphere remain a feature of the country's media landscape. These include cybertroopers, fake news peddlers, and those creating polarizing content around race and religious issues. This article explains how social media campaigning in Malaysia is becoming more professionalized and better resourced, inspiring some diversity and creativity, while at the same time enabling groups who spread narratives intended to incite and enrage, particularly via video content. The Malaysian case exemplifies the growing problems within the contemporary digital public sphere, showing how the professionalization of social media campaigning can lead to disinformation and, ultimately, polarization.
{"title":"Social Media and Malaysia's 2022 Election: The Growth and Impact of Video Campaigning","authors":"R. Tapsell","doi":"10.5509/2023962303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023962303","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that Malaysia's 2022 General Election (GE15) amplified negative campaigning via new techniques associated with platform and technological advancements, led by creative innovations in campaign tactics, including livestreaming and video content. GE15 was the freest\u0000 election campaign in Malaysia's history. All political parties and coalitions enjoyed access to a wide range of mainstream and online media to disseminate content, and new platforms like TikTok emerged as influential conduits of campaign messages. Yet serious problems in this digital public\u0000 sphere remain a feature of the country's media landscape. These include cybertroopers, fake news peddlers, and those creating polarizing content around race and religious issues. This article explains how social media campaigning in Malaysia is becoming more professionalized and better resourced,\u0000 inspiring some diversity and creativity, while at the same time enabling groups who spread narratives intended to incite and enrage, particularly via video content. The Malaysian case exemplifies the growing problems within the contemporary digital public sphere, showing how the professionalization\u0000 of social media campaigning can lead to disinformation and, ultimately, polarization.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42691606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this review essay, I consider two recent works on climate change in the Pacific, one monograph ( Engaging Environments in Tonga ) by an anthropologist and keeper of Oceanic collections in Oslo, and one edited volume ( Managing Climate Change Adaptation in the Pacific Region ) by a sustainability and climate change management specialist from Hamburg. I situate these two very divergent studies in relation to broader debates and trends in studies and narratives about climate change in the Pacific, focusing in particular on "adaptation" as a priority for research and policy, and on tensions between portrayals of Pacific peoples as respectively creative and resilient, versus as vulnerable and in need of rescue by Western science. In doing so, the divergent epistemologies that are at the core of the relations between indigenous and exogenous knowledge are highlighted, at the same time questioning enduring power dynamics and whether indigeneity and climate change research can actually contribute to knowledge production.
{"title":"Climate Change and The Production of Knowledge","authors":"A. Hermkens","doi":"10.5509/2023962343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023962343","url":null,"abstract":"In this review essay, I consider two recent works on climate change in the Pacific, one monograph ( Engaging Environments in Tonga ) by an anthropologist and keeper of Oceanic collections in Oslo, and one edited volume ( Managing Climate Change Adaptation in the Pacific Region\u0000 ) by a sustainability and climate change management specialist from Hamburg. I situate these two very divergent studies in relation to broader debates and trends in studies and narratives about climate change in the Pacific, focusing in particular on \"adaptation\" as a priority for research\u0000 and policy, and on tensions between portrayals of Pacific peoples as respectively creative and resilient, versus as vulnerable and in need of rescue by Western science. In doing so, the divergent epistemologies that are at the core of the relations between indigenous and exogenous knowledge\u0000 are highlighted, at the same time questioning enduring power dynamics and whether indigeneity and climate change research can actually contribute to knowledge production.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42984686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Compared to Sarawak state elections, in the 2022 general election (GE15) the incumbent Sarawak Parties Alliance (Gabungan Parti Sarawak, GPS) and Sarawak-based opposition parties' campaigns demonstrated a tendency toward a moderate rather than radical autonomy discourse. In GE15, these candidates attempted to reconcile their regionalism with nationalism to stay relevant in the national political landscape. Meanwhile, opposition parties performed better in certain Chinese- and Dayak-majority seats, exposing the limits of the Sarawak autonomy discourse. To explain these patterns, this article locates Sarawak against the backdrop of a centralized Malaysian federal government to clarify the salience of both structural and cultural factors in shaping autonomy claims. It shows the importance of inclusive and democratic institutions, like a general election, in integrating peripheral communities and checking radical regionalism. Further, preceding the general election, the readiness of the federal government to delegate power to the state government effectively secured the state ruling elite's commitment to remain in the national government. However, institutional decentralization is insufficient to calm autonomy claims, as cultural pluralism increasingly underpins Sarawak regionalism. Sarawak's autonomy discourse will not fade away and could radicalize again if the central government holds to exclusive ethnoreligious nationalism.
与砂拉越州选举相比，在2022年大选（GE15）中，现任砂拉越政党联盟（Gabungan Parti Sarawak，GPS）和砂拉越反对党的竞选活动显示出倾向于温和而非激进的自治话语。在GE15中，这些候选人试图调和他们的区域主义和民族主义，以在国家政治格局中保持相关性。与此同时，反对党在某些华人和达亚克人占多数的席位上表现更好，暴露了砂拉越自治话语的局限性。为了解释这些模式，本文将砂拉越置于中央集权的马来西亚联邦政府的背景下，以澄清结构和文化因素在形成自治主张中的重要性。它表明了包容性和民主制度的重要性，如大选，在整合周边社区和遏制激进的区域主义方面。此外，在大选之前，联邦政府准备将权力下放给州政府，这有效地确保了州统治精英继续留在国家政府的承诺。然而，由于文化多元化日益成为砂拉越区域主义的基础，制度权力下放不足以平息自治主张。如果中央政府坚持排他性的民族宗教民族主义，砂拉越的自治话语不会消失，可能会再次激进化。
{"title":"Moderation of Sarawak Regionalism in Malaysia's 15th General Election","authors":"I. Ngu","doi":"10.5509/2023962323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023962323","url":null,"abstract":"Compared to Sarawak state elections, in the 2022 general election (GE15) the incumbent Sarawak Parties Alliance (Gabungan Parti Sarawak, GPS) and Sarawak-based opposition parties' campaigns demonstrated a tendency toward a moderate rather than radical autonomy discourse. In GE15, these\u0000 candidates attempted to reconcile their regionalism with nationalism to stay relevant in the national political landscape. Meanwhile, opposition parties performed better in certain Chinese- and Dayak-majority seats, exposing the limits of the Sarawak autonomy discourse. To explain these patterns,\u0000 this article locates Sarawak against the backdrop of a centralized Malaysian federal government to clarify the salience of both structural and cultural factors in shaping autonomy claims. It shows the importance of inclusive and democratic institutions, like a general election, in integrating\u0000 peripheral communities and checking radical regionalism. Further, preceding the general election, the readiness of the federal government to delegate power to the state government effectively secured the state ruling elite's commitment to remain in the national government. However, institutional\u0000 decentralization is insufficient to calm autonomy claims, as cultural pluralism increasingly underpins Sarawak regionalism. Sarawak's autonomy discourse will not fade away and could radicalize again if the central government holds to exclusive ethnoreligious nationalism.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47225243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The global arms industry has experienced a major transformation in the post-Cold War era, with production becoming increasingly transnational and larger in scale. While many scholars and policymakers predicted the widespread adoption of market-enhancing reforms aimed at increasing domestic competition and attracting FDI, globalization of arms production has not led to a convergence of national defense industries into a liberal- market model. Drawing on the varieties of capitalism (VoC) literature, recent scholarship has demonstrated how an interdependent web of economic institutions has shaped each country's response in varied ways. This paper builds on the VoC literature and argues that the hierarchical market economy (HME) as a distinct variety serves as a better model for understanding the trajectory of defense industries in many second-tier producers that do not fit the existing categories of VoC. We conduct an in-depth case study of South Korea's defense-industry reform initiated in 2008 and the subsequent threefold increase in its arms exports. We show that the trajectory of South Korea's defense-industry reform can be seen as the result of an HME's attempt to adapt to the globalization of arms production in ways that preserve its distinct comparative advantage. As the HME model has broad applicability for many countries in Asia and Latin America, our findings have important implications for future developments in the global arms industry.
{"title":"Globalization of Arms Production And Hierarchical Market Economies:","authors":"Chong-ki Choi, Soul Park","doi":"10.5509/2023962229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2023962229","url":null,"abstract":"The global arms industry has experienced a major transformation in the post-Cold War era, with production becoming increasingly transnational and larger in scale. While many scholars and policymakers predicted the widespread adoption of market-enhancing reforms aimed at increasing domestic\u0000 competition and attracting FDI, globalization of arms production has not led to a convergence of national defense industries into a liberal- market model. Drawing on the varieties of capitalism (VoC) literature, recent scholarship has demonstrated how an interdependent web of economic institutions\u0000 has shaped each country's response in varied ways. This paper builds on the VoC literature and argues that the hierarchical market economy (HME) as a distinct variety serves as a better model for understanding the trajectory of defense industries in many second-tier producers that do not fit\u0000 the existing categories of VoC. We conduct an in-depth case study of South Korea's defense-industry reform initiated in 2008 and the subsequent threefold increase in its arms exports. We show that the trajectory of South Korea's defense-industry reform can be seen as the result of an HME's\u0000 attempt to adapt to the globalization of arms production in ways that preserve its distinct comparative advantage. As the HME model has broad applicability for many countries in Asia and Latin America, our findings have important implications for future developments in the global arms industry.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44182377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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