New light on the strolling performers Thomas Peadle and Thomas Cosby, 1639–1650

IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES SEVENTEENTH CENTURY Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI:10.1080/0268117x.2023.2250735
J. P. Vander Motten
{"title":"New light on the strolling performers Thomas Peadle and Thomas Cosby, 1639–1650","authors":"J. P. Vander Motten","doi":"10.1080/0268117x.2023.2250735","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe present article brings to light new information about Thomas Peadle, a representative of the younger generation of a late 16th- and early 17th-century family of strolling entertainers, whose career has been very imperfectly documented. Archival materials relating to his marriage in Amsterdam in 1639, his presence at Delft in 1640, and his appearance at The Hague in 1641 suggest that Peadle took his troupe on a tour of The Low Countries in the 1630s and early 1640s. Further evidence of his theatrical activities on the continent is contained in an agreement for co-operation concluded at Paris on 22 October 1649 between Peadle and Thomas Cosby, a fellow rope dancer, on the one hand, and Florent Marchand, a French ‘water-spouter’, on the other. They continued their joint performances in England, where their co-operation ended in 1650, culminating in the English partners’ ruthless exposure of Marchand’s ‘trade secrets’.KEYWORDS: Thomas PeadleThomas Cosbyrope dancersFlorent Marchandcross-Channel artistic exchanges Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Cohn, Shakespeare in Germany, lxxxii – lxxxiii, lxxxviii; Meissner, Die englischen Comoedianten, 40–43; Herz, Englische Schauspieler, 36, 52–53; Bentley, Jacobean and Caroline Stage, 521–23; Harry R. Hoppe, ‘English Actors at Ghent’, 309; and Bachrach, ‘Leiden en de “Strolling Players”’, 33–4. Philip Butterworth has mistakenly assumed that ‘[t]he earliest records that concern the Peadle family’ are dated April 1609: see Magic, 30–31.2 Murray, English Dramatic Companies, 342, 346.3 Bawcutt, Control and Censorship, 309–10. On Cecily Peadle’s ‘performative legitimacy’ as leader of the troupe, see Mueller, ‘Touring, Women’, 60–61.4 Eccles, ‘Elizabethan Actors’, 300.5 Murray, 253–54.6 Gemeente Amsterdam. Stadsarchief [City Archives]. Huwelijksintekeningen van de Kerk, inv. 452, page 258. Thomas’s year of birth, 1612, made him the elder brother of Cornelius, baptized on 8 August 1617, and Anne, baptized on 31 January 1621: see Bentley, 522–23.7 Cecily Peadle, possibly the company manager in August 1631, was left unmentioned in the December 1639 Coventry record.8 Bentley, 522, has stated that Peadle ‘had been appearing with his father’s troupe for some time [my italics] before his name got into the Coventry records’, i.e. before 24 December 1639.9 Archief Delft. Doopboeken Nieuwe Kerk, folio 43 v.10 Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Low Countries’, 13 and passim; and Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Netherlands’.11 Gemeentearchief Den Haag. Oud Archief. Registers van minuten, 201, dd. 27 April 1641. I owe thanks to Ms Saskia Noot, The Hague City Archives, for having supplied me with a scan of this document.12 Harry R. Hoppe has pointed out that ‘[t]he outbreak of the Thirty Years War in 1620 probably drove many troupes that customarily toured Germany into the Low Countries; and in the 1640’s the Civil War in England must have driven others to the Continent’: see ‘English Acting Companies’, 29. In the 1630s, the presence of actors such as Robert Reynolds, Edward Pudsey, John Butler, John Payne, and Robert Archer has been attested to in Amsterdam (December 1636), Haarlem (October 1639), The Hague (January 1632 and October 1639), Leeuwarden (July 1635), Leiden (May 1638), and Utrecht (December 1633 and January 1634): see Riewald, ‘The English Actors’, 157–78.13 The residence of the King’s notaries in the heart of 17th-century Paris: see Jégaden, ‘La Communauté des Notaires’.14 The French original reads: ‘dont ils s’exercent et meslent [mèlent] journellement’’. Alan Howe has pointed out that the expression ‘se mesler de quelque chose’ may mean both ‘to make of something one’s profession or occupation’ and ‘to look after something’. If ‘se mêler’ were mentioned in isolation, the verb might mean that Peadle and Cosby had strictly managerial roles, without necessarily appearing on the stage themselves. But the addition of the verb ‘s’exercer’ leaves no doubt about their ‘active participation in their productions’: see ‘English Actors in Paris’, 132.15 Archives Nationales, Paris. Minutes et repertoires. MC/ET/I/124. Association, 22 Octobre 1649. I owe thanks to Ms Valérie De Wulf for having made a scan of this document available. I am providing a near-complete translation, leaving out only two or three of the formulaic closing phrases (indicated by three dots). For the sake of comprehensibility, I have divided the hard-to-decipher text into sentences and added punctuation marks (completely lacking in the original), clarified a few passages between square brackets, omitted one or two synonymous words, and modernized and capitalized the spelling of place names. Parisian parish and street names are italicized but have remained untranslated. I have also indicated, between round brackets, two or three illegible words.16 Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Netherlands’, 106.17 See Astington, ‘William Vincent’; Bawcutt, ‘William Vincent, Alias Hocus Pocus’; and Vander Motten, ‘The Mountebank Johannes Michael Philo’.18 For a late seventeenth-century example, see Vander Motten, ‘Jacob Hall’.19 Part of such fine was often destined for the benefit of the poor of the town or city where performances were given but not, however, in this case.20 Highfill, Burnim, and Langhans, A Biographical Dictionary, 1.21 A Register of English Theatrical Documents, 573.22 Bawcutt, Control and Censorship, 293.23 Hotson, 21–23; and Milhous and Hume, ‘New Light’.24 The information on Speede and André is based on Alan Howe, ‘English Actors in Paris’; and Howe, Jurgens, and Chauleur, 193–200.25 Howe, ‘English Actors in Paris’, 137; and Hotson, 21.26 In works on the subject, his first name is universally misspelled as ‘Floram’ instead of ‘Florent’, the form recorded in the 1649 notarial act.27 In a letter dated 11 March 1640, Descartes suspected that Manfredé ‘doit avoir un trou sous le menton … et c’est par là qu’il fait passer ces liqueurs’ [must have a hole under his chin, through which he passes these liquors]: see Cousin, ed., Oeuvres de Descartes, 211.28 Solomon, Public Welfare, 39–40, 60–66, 80; and Mazauric, Savoirs et philosophie, chapter 3.29 A General Collection of Discourses; and Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences.30 The French original had appeared in the Quatrième Centurie (Paris, 1641), which I have not been able to consult. The English translation is a condensed version of the text which had appeared in the Recueil Général des Questions Traitées és Conférences du Bureau d’Adresse, 377–400. For an (incomplete) reprint, see: Mauret, ed., Le Beuveur d’Eau.31 Power, Experimental Philosophy, 72–76. On Henry Power, see Johns, ODNB, accessed 17 June 2023.32 OED: ‘I, 1a: Brazil: the name of the hard brownish-red wood of an East Indian tree … from which dyers obtain a red colour’.33 One of the Thomason Tracts, the British Library copy reproduced in EEBO is defective: two leaves (A3v-A4r) are missing; and A3r and B1r are misnumbered as pages 3 and 6, respectively. A transcript of the complete text is included in Wilson and Caulfield, The Book of Wonderful Character, 126–30. This work has served as a basis for quotations from, and complete reproductions of, the text in many 19th- and 20th-century works on magic, illusionism, and the history of the circus.34 Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences, 345–46. According to the Recueil Général, ‘il ne s’est passé iour depuis six semaines qu’il ne s’y soit trouvé plus de quatre cens personnes’ (379–80). The figures vary and may be no more than an estimate but the crowd size seems to have been comparable to that of a theatre audience.35 It was entered as ‘a sheet of paper’ in the Stationers’ Register on 21 June: see A Transcript, 346.36 Wilson and Caulfield have likewise suggested that Peadle and Cosby ‘had probably not received the share of the profits to which they thought themselves entitled’ (126).37 Hyder E. Rollins observed long ago that by April 1653, the royalist news-book Mercurius Democritus declared that ‘puppet-plays and rope-dancing had become so common, so stale, that tired by the very monotony of these entertainments audiences were growing scarce, to the consequent impoverishment of the actors’. By the early 1650s, the authorities were ‘gradually adopting a more lenient policy’, though not an entirely permissive attitude, toward rope-dancing and drolls: see ‘A Contribution’, 310.38 Rollins cites the example of the dancer Robert Cox, who in 1653 was hired by the rope- and sword-dancers to ‘present a well-known jig, or droll’ but was ‘betrayed by two jealous rivals’. As a result, ‘the [Red Bull] theatre was raided … and Cox imprisoned’. Stage artists themselves, it is unlikely that Peadle and Cosby, however deep-seated their resentment, had weaponized the government against their opponent: see ‘A Contribution’, 307, 311.39 Golden-Lane was in the immediate vicinity of the rebuilt Fortune playhouse, the inside of which had been dismantled and rendered ‘unusable for dramatic purpose’ by parliamentary soldiers in March 1649: see Adams, Shakespearean Playhouses, 291.40 de Beer, ed., 26–27.41 Rollins, 315–16.42 The literature on the subject is extensive. For an overview relating to the Low Countries, see Riewald, ‘The English Actors in the Low Countries’. See also Limon, Gentlemen of a Company.43 Leathers, British Entertainers in France, 3–7, 167.44 Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Low Countries’, 26.","PeriodicalId":54080,"journal":{"name":"SEVENTEENTH CENTURY","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"SEVENTEENTH CENTURY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2023.2250735","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

ABSTRACTThe present article brings to light new information about Thomas Peadle, a representative of the younger generation of a late 16th- and early 17th-century family of strolling entertainers, whose career has been very imperfectly documented. Archival materials relating to his marriage in Amsterdam in 1639, his presence at Delft in 1640, and his appearance at The Hague in 1641 suggest that Peadle took his troupe on a tour of The Low Countries in the 1630s and early 1640s. Further evidence of his theatrical activities on the continent is contained in an agreement for co-operation concluded at Paris on 22 October 1649 between Peadle and Thomas Cosby, a fellow rope dancer, on the one hand, and Florent Marchand, a French ‘water-spouter’, on the other. They continued their joint performances in England, where their co-operation ended in 1650, culminating in the English partners’ ruthless exposure of Marchand’s ‘trade secrets’.KEYWORDS: Thomas PeadleThomas Cosbyrope dancersFlorent Marchandcross-Channel artistic exchanges Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Cohn, Shakespeare in Germany, lxxxii – lxxxiii, lxxxviii; Meissner, Die englischen Comoedianten, 40–43; Herz, Englische Schauspieler, 36, 52–53; Bentley, Jacobean and Caroline Stage, 521–23; Harry R. Hoppe, ‘English Actors at Ghent’, 309; and Bachrach, ‘Leiden en de “Strolling Players”’, 33–4. Philip Butterworth has mistakenly assumed that ‘[t]he earliest records that concern the Peadle family’ are dated April 1609: see Magic, 30–31.2 Murray, English Dramatic Companies, 342, 346.3 Bawcutt, Control and Censorship, 309–10. On Cecily Peadle’s ‘performative legitimacy’ as leader of the troupe, see Mueller, ‘Touring, Women’, 60–61.4 Eccles, ‘Elizabethan Actors’, 300.5 Murray, 253–54.6 Gemeente Amsterdam. Stadsarchief [City Archives]. Huwelijksintekeningen van de Kerk, inv. 452, page 258. Thomas’s year of birth, 1612, made him the elder brother of Cornelius, baptized on 8 August 1617, and Anne, baptized on 31 January 1621: see Bentley, 522–23.7 Cecily Peadle, possibly the company manager in August 1631, was left unmentioned in the December 1639 Coventry record.8 Bentley, 522, has stated that Peadle ‘had been appearing with his father’s troupe for some time [my italics] before his name got into the Coventry records’, i.e. before 24 December 1639.9 Archief Delft. Doopboeken Nieuwe Kerk, folio 43 v.10 Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Low Countries’, 13 and passim; and Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Netherlands’.11 Gemeentearchief Den Haag. Oud Archief. Registers van minuten, 201, dd. 27 April 1641. I owe thanks to Ms Saskia Noot, The Hague City Archives, for having supplied me with a scan of this document.12 Harry R. Hoppe has pointed out that ‘[t]he outbreak of the Thirty Years War in 1620 probably drove many troupes that customarily toured Germany into the Low Countries; and in the 1640’s the Civil War in England must have driven others to the Continent’: see ‘English Acting Companies’, 29. In the 1630s, the presence of actors such as Robert Reynolds, Edward Pudsey, John Butler, John Payne, and Robert Archer has been attested to in Amsterdam (December 1636), Haarlem (October 1639), The Hague (January 1632 and October 1639), Leeuwarden (July 1635), Leiden (May 1638), and Utrecht (December 1633 and January 1634): see Riewald, ‘The English Actors’, 157–78.13 The residence of the King’s notaries in the heart of 17th-century Paris: see Jégaden, ‘La Communauté des Notaires’.14 The French original reads: ‘dont ils s’exercent et meslent [mèlent] journellement’’. Alan Howe has pointed out that the expression ‘se mesler de quelque chose’ may mean both ‘to make of something one’s profession or occupation’ and ‘to look after something’. If ‘se mêler’ were mentioned in isolation, the verb might mean that Peadle and Cosby had strictly managerial roles, without necessarily appearing on the stage themselves. But the addition of the verb ‘s’exercer’ leaves no doubt about their ‘active participation in their productions’: see ‘English Actors in Paris’, 132.15 Archives Nationales, Paris. Minutes et repertoires. MC/ET/I/124. Association, 22 Octobre 1649. I owe thanks to Ms Valérie De Wulf for having made a scan of this document available. I am providing a near-complete translation, leaving out only two or three of the formulaic closing phrases (indicated by three dots). For the sake of comprehensibility, I have divided the hard-to-decipher text into sentences and added punctuation marks (completely lacking in the original), clarified a few passages between square brackets, omitted one or two synonymous words, and modernized and capitalized the spelling of place names. Parisian parish and street names are italicized but have remained untranslated. I have also indicated, between round brackets, two or three illegible words.16 Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Netherlands’, 106.17 See Astington, ‘William Vincent’; Bawcutt, ‘William Vincent, Alias Hocus Pocus’; and Vander Motten, ‘The Mountebank Johannes Michael Philo’.18 For a late seventeenth-century example, see Vander Motten, ‘Jacob Hall’.19 Part of such fine was often destined for the benefit of the poor of the town or city where performances were given but not, however, in this case.20 Highfill, Burnim, and Langhans, A Biographical Dictionary, 1.21 A Register of English Theatrical Documents, 573.22 Bawcutt, Control and Censorship, 293.23 Hotson, 21–23; and Milhous and Hume, ‘New Light’.24 The information on Speede and André is based on Alan Howe, ‘English Actors in Paris’; and Howe, Jurgens, and Chauleur, 193–200.25 Howe, ‘English Actors in Paris’, 137; and Hotson, 21.26 In works on the subject, his first name is universally misspelled as ‘Floram’ instead of ‘Florent’, the form recorded in the 1649 notarial act.27 In a letter dated 11 March 1640, Descartes suspected that Manfredé ‘doit avoir un trou sous le menton … et c’est par là qu’il fait passer ces liqueurs’ [must have a hole under his chin, through which he passes these liquors]: see Cousin, ed., Oeuvres de Descartes, 211.28 Solomon, Public Welfare, 39–40, 60–66, 80; and Mazauric, Savoirs et philosophie, chapter 3.29 A General Collection of Discourses; and Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences.30 The French original had appeared in the Quatrième Centurie (Paris, 1641), which I have not been able to consult. The English translation is a condensed version of the text which had appeared in the Recueil Général des Questions Traitées és Conférences du Bureau d’Adresse, 377–400. For an (incomplete) reprint, see: Mauret, ed., Le Beuveur d’Eau.31 Power, Experimental Philosophy, 72–76. On Henry Power, see Johns, ODNB, accessed 17 June 2023.32 OED: ‘I, 1a: Brazil: the name of the hard brownish-red wood of an East Indian tree … from which dyers obtain a red colour’.33 One of the Thomason Tracts, the British Library copy reproduced in EEBO is defective: two leaves (A3v-A4r) are missing; and A3r and B1r are misnumbered as pages 3 and 6, respectively. A transcript of the complete text is included in Wilson and Caulfield, The Book of Wonderful Character, 126–30. This work has served as a basis for quotations from, and complete reproductions of, the text in many 19th- and 20th-century works on magic, illusionism, and the history of the circus.34 Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences, 345–46. According to the Recueil Général, ‘il ne s’est passé iour depuis six semaines qu’il ne s’y soit trouvé plus de quatre cens personnes’ (379–80). The figures vary and may be no more than an estimate but the crowd size seems to have been comparable to that of a theatre audience.35 It was entered as ‘a sheet of paper’ in the Stationers’ Register on 21 June: see A Transcript, 346.36 Wilson and Caulfield have likewise suggested that Peadle and Cosby ‘had probably not received the share of the profits to which they thought themselves entitled’ (126).37 Hyder E. Rollins observed long ago that by April 1653, the royalist news-book Mercurius Democritus declared that ‘puppet-plays and rope-dancing had become so common, so stale, that tired by the very monotony of these entertainments audiences were growing scarce, to the consequent impoverishment of the actors’. By the early 1650s, the authorities were ‘gradually adopting a more lenient policy’, though not an entirely permissive attitude, toward rope-dancing and drolls: see ‘A Contribution’, 310.38 Rollins cites the example of the dancer Robert Cox, who in 1653 was hired by the rope- and sword-dancers to ‘present a well-known jig, or droll’ but was ‘betrayed by two jealous rivals’. As a result, ‘the [Red Bull] theatre was raided … and Cox imprisoned’. Stage artists themselves, it is unlikely that Peadle and Cosby, however deep-seated their resentment, had weaponized the government against their opponent: see ‘A Contribution’, 307, 311.39 Golden-Lane was in the immediate vicinity of the rebuilt Fortune playhouse, the inside of which had been dismantled and rendered ‘unusable for dramatic purpose’ by parliamentary soldiers in March 1649: see Adams, Shakespearean Playhouses, 291.40 de Beer, ed., 26–27.41 Rollins, 315–16.42 The literature on the subject is extensive. For an overview relating to the Low Countries, see Riewald, ‘The English Actors in the Low Countries’. See also Limon, Gentlemen of a Company.43 Leathers, British Entertainers in France, 3–7, 167.44 Vander Motten and Roscam Abbing, ‘Seventeenth-Century English Rope Dancers in the Low Countries’, 26.
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漫步的表演者托马斯·皮德尔和托马斯·科斯比,1639-1650
摘要本文揭示了托马斯·皮德尔(Thomas Peadle)的新信息,他是16世纪末和17世纪初一个流浪艺人家庭年轻一代的代表,他的职业生涯一直没有得到完整的记录。有关皮德尔1639年在阿姆斯特丹结婚,1640年出现在代尔夫特,1641年出现在海牙的档案资料表明,皮德尔在1630年代和1640年代初带着他的剧团到低地国家巡回演出。1649年10月22日,皮德尔和托马斯·科斯比(绳子舞者)以及法国“水龙”弗洛伦特·马尔尚(Florent Marchand)在巴黎达成了一项合作协议,进一步证明了他在欧洲大陆的戏剧活动。他们继续在英国合作演出,直到1650年他们的合作结束,最终英国合伙人无情地揭露了马尔尚的“商业秘密”。关键词:Thomas PeadleThomas Cosbyrope舞蹈家florent marchand跨海峡艺术交流披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1科恩,莎士比亚在德国,lxxxii - lxxxiii, lxxxviii;《英语喜剧演员》迈斯纳,40-43页;赫兹,英国Schauspieler, 36, 52-53;宾利,雅各宾和卡罗琳舞台,521-23;Harry R. Hoppe,《根特的英国演员》,309;巴赫拉赫的《Leiden en de“漫步的玩家”》,33-4页。菲利普·巴特沃斯错误地认为“有关皮德尔家族的最早记录”的日期是1609年4月:见Magic, 30-31.2 Murray, English Dramatic Companies, 342, 346.3 Bawcutt, Control and Censorship, 309-10。关于Cecily Peadle作为剧团领袖的“表演合法性”,见Mueller,“巡回演出,女性”,60-61.4 Eccles,“伊丽莎白时期的演员”,300.5 Murray, 253-54.6 Gemeente Amsterdam。城市档案馆。Huwelijksintekeningen van de Kerk,第452页,第258页。托马斯出生于1612年,是科尼利厄斯的哥哥,科尼利厄斯于1617年8月8日受洗,安妮于1621年1月31日受洗:见本特利,522-23.7塞西莉·皮德尔,可能是1631年8月的公司经理,在1639年12月的考文垂记录中没有提及522岁的本特利说,皮德尔“在他的名字被考文垂记录在案之前,已经和他父亲的剧团一起演出了一段时间”,也就是在1639.9年12月24日之前。杜波肯·纽维·克尔克,第43页,第10页Vander Motten和Roscam Abbing,“低地国家的17世纪英国绳舞者”,13和passim;范德·莫顿和罗斯康·阿宾的《17世纪荷兰的英国绳索舞者》海牙会议主席。乌得琴Archief。2001年,1641年4月27日。我要感谢海牙市档案馆的Saskia Noot女士,她为我提供了这份文件的扫描件Harry R. Hoppe曾指出:“1620年三十年战争的爆发可能迫使许多惯常在德国巡回演出的剧团进入低地国家;16世纪40年代,英国的内战一定把其他人赶到了欧洲大陆。”见《英国表演公司》,29页。17世纪30年代,在阿姆斯特丹(1636年12月)、哈勒姆(1639年10月)、海牙(1632年1月和1639年10月)、吕沃登(1635年7月)、莱顿(1638年5月)和乌得勒支(1633年12月和1634年1月),出现了罗伯特·雷诺兹、爱德华·普德西、约翰·巴特勒、约翰·佩恩和罗伯特·阿彻等演员。见里瓦尔德,“英国演员”,157-78.13。17世纪巴黎中心的国王公证人住所:见j<s:1>加登,“La communaut<e:1> des Notaires”14法语原文是:“don ' ils s ' exercise et meslent [moulent] journelement”。Alan Howe指出,“se mesler de quelque chose”这个表达可能意味着“利用某人的专业或职业”和“照顾某事”。如果单独提到“se mêler”,这个动词可能意味着皮德尔和考斯比是严格的管理角色,他们自己不一定会出现在舞台上。但是动词' s '锻炼者'的添加无疑表明他们'积极参与他们的作品':见'英国演员在巴黎',132.15国家档案馆,巴黎。分钟和曲目。MC / ET /我/ 124。协会,1649年10月22日我感谢valsamrie De Wulf女士提供了本文件的扫描件。我提供了一个近乎完整的翻译,只省略了两三个公式化的结尾短语(用三个点表示)。为了便于理解,我将难以解读的文本分成句子,并添加了标点符号(原文中完全没有),澄清了方括号之间的一些段落,省略了一两个同义词,并将地名的拼写现代化并大写。巴黎的教区和街道名称是斜体字,但仍未翻译。我还在圆括号中指出了两三个难以辨认的字。 16范德·莫顿和罗斯坎·阿宾,《17世纪荷兰的英国绳索舞者》,106.17见阿斯顿,《威廉·文森特》;巴特,《威廉·文森特,别名魔咒》;范德尔·莫顿,《小丑约翰内斯·迈克尔·菲罗》关于17世纪晚期的一个例子,见范德·莫顿的《雅各布·霍尔》这些罚款的一部分通常是要用于演出所在城镇或城市的穷人的福利,但在这种情况下却没有Highfill, Burnim, and Langhans, A Biographical Dictionary, 1.21 A Register of English Theatrical Documents, 573.22 Bawcutt, Control and Censorship, 293.23 Hotson, 21-23;米勒斯和休谟的《新光》(New Light)关于斯毕德和安德鲁的信息来自艾伦·豪的《英国演员在巴黎》;Howe, Jurgens, and Chauleur, 1993 - 200.25 Howe,“英国演员在巴黎”,137;在有关这一主题的著作中,他的名字普遍被拼错为Floram而不是Florent,后者是1649年公证书中记录的形式在一封日期为1640年3月11日的信中,笛卡尔怀疑曼弗雷德“doit avoir un trou sous le menton……et c ' est par l<e:1> qu ' il fait passer ces liquurs '[他的下巴下必须有一个洞,他通过这个洞来传递这些酒]:见表兄弟,编辑,Oeuvres de Descartes, 211.28所罗门,公共福利,39 - 40,60 - 66,80;Mazauric,《智慧与哲学》,第3.29章《论述总集》;《另一本哲学论文集》。30法语原版曾发表在《四世纪》(巴黎,1641年)上,我无法查阅。英文译本是载于377-400号《关于薪金、薪金、薪金、薪金和薪金的确认》的案文的精简本。关于(不完整的)再版,见:Mauret主编,Le Beuveur d 'Eau.31《权力》,实验哲学,72-76页。关于Henry Power,见Johns, ODNB,访问于2023年6月17日的OED:“I, 1a: Brazil:一种东印度树的棕红色坚硬木材的名称……染色者从中获得红色”大英图书馆用EEBO复制的一本《托马森小册子》有缺陷:两页(A3v-A4r)缺失;A3r和B1r分别被错编号为第3页和第6页。完整的文字记录收录在威尔逊和考尔菲德的《奇妙人物之书》中,第126-30页。这本书在19世纪和20世纪许多关于魔术、幻术和马戏团历史的著作中被用作引用和完整复制文本的基础《哲学会议文集》,345-46页。根据联合国的统计,“我将为你的代表提供最多的通行证”,“我将为你的代表提供最多的通行证”,“我将为你提供最多的通行证”(379-80)。数字各不相同,可能只是一个估计,但人群的规模似乎与剧院观众的规模相当6月21日,它以“一张纸”的形式被登记在文具商登记册上:见《记录》,346.36威尔逊和考尔菲尔德同样认为皮德尔和考斯比“可能没有得到他们认为自己有权得到的那份利润”(126)海德·e·罗林斯很久以前就注意到,到1653年4月,保皇党新闻书《墨丘里乌斯·德谟克利特》宣称,“木偶剧和绳舞已经变得如此普遍,如此陈腐,厌倦了这些单调的娱乐活动,观众越来越少,结果导致演员贫困。”到1650年代早期,当局“逐渐对绳舞和滑稽表演采取更宽松的政策”,尽管不是完全宽容的态度:参见“贡献”,310.38罗林斯引用了舞者罗伯特·考克斯的例子,他在1653年被绳舞和剑舞者雇佣,“表演一种著名的吉格舞,或滑稽表演”,但“被两个嫉妒的对手背叛”。结果,“(红牛)剧院被突袭了……考克斯被关进了监狱”。无论皮德尔和考斯比的怨恨有多深,他们都不太可能把政府当作武器来对付他们的对手:见“贡献”,3073,311.39金巷就在重建的财富剧院附近,1649年3月,议会士兵拆除了剧院内部,使其“无法用于戏剧目的”。参见亚当斯,《莎士比亚剧场》,291.40,德·比尔主编,26-27.41,罗林斯,315-16.42,关于这个主题的文献非常广泛。有关低地国家的概述,见里瓦尔德,“英国演员在低地国家”。参见利蒙,《剧团的绅士们》。43皮革,英国艺人在法国,第3-7页,167.44范德尔·莫顿和罗斯康·阿宾,《低地国家的17世纪英国绳舞者》,第26页。
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来源期刊
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES-
CiteScore
0.40
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发文量
60
期刊介绍: The Seventeenth Century is an interdisciplinary journal which aims to encourage the study of the period in a way that looks beyond national boundaries or the limits of narrow intellectual approaches. Its intentions are twofold: to serve as a forum for interdisciplinary approaches to seventeenth-century studies, and at the same time to offer to a multidisciplinary readership stimulating specialist studies on a wide range of subjects. There is a general preference for articles embodying original research.
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