Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2279387
Alice Hunt
{"title":"The political thought of the English free state, 1649–1653 <b>The political thought of the English free state, 1649–1653</b> , by Markku Peltonen, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2022, 270 pp., £75.00 (hardback), ISBN 9781009212045","authors":"Alice Hunt","doi":"10.1080/0268117x.2023.2279387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2023.2279387","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54080,"journal":{"name":"SEVENTEENTH CENTURY","volume":"31 42","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134954121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2276199
Cora James
ABSTRACTIn many ways, Elizabeth Currer’s career typifies modern assumptions about Restoration actresses. In her mistress roles, we might recognise the ‘lusty young wench’ of John Harold Wilson’s 1958 study.Footnote11 Wilson, All the King’s Ladies, 2. In her provocative prologues, we can read the uneasy voyeurism Elizabeth Howe describes when she writes of how an actress’s ‘rapport with spectators’ could lead to ‘gratuitous titillation’.Footnote22 Howe, First English Actresses, 171. In her trapped wives, we can understand how the libertine ideals of Charles’s court uses and abuses its women. However, beyond her depiction of sexually explicit comic characters, the comedian, Currer, came to represent a specifically eroticised threat of religious dissent during periods of political crisis. By exploring the development of this line from John Dryden’s The Kind-Keeper (1680) to Aphra Behn’s The Widdow Ranter (1690), this paper demonstrates how Currer’s career both contributed to and challenged a theatrical dialogue surrounding the national anxieties of political unrest and ideological non-conformity.KEYWORDS: Restoration TheatreAphra BehnJohn DrydenThe Kind-KeeperThe Widdow Ranter Disclosure StatementThe author reports there are no competing interests to declare.Notes1 Wilson, All the King’s Ladies, 2.2 Howe, First English Actresses, 171.3 Todd, A Secret Life, 215.4 Howe, First English Actresses, 78.5 Bush-Bailey, Treading the Bawds, 39.6 Todd, A Secret Life, 237.7 Howe, First English Actresses, 78; Highfill, Biographical Dictionary. Vol. 4 of A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, 99; Bush-Bailey, Treading the Bawds, 39.8 Crowne, The Countrey Wit, sig. A4r.9 Behn, The Town-Fopp, 49.10 Howe, First English Actresses, 79.11 Rev, 17:5.12 Collecting data from EEBO and LION, I have found the term ‘Whore of Babylon’ or synonyms thereof used twenty-one times in eighteen plays during the period 1660 to 1700. Of the twenty-one references, seven are said either to, about, or by one of Currer’s characters. Of the other references, six are directly describing the influence of Rome and Popery, six are used to describe other characters, both male and female, and two are general oaths.13 Rev, 17:2.14 Dolan, Whores of Babylon, 6.15 Ibid., 85.16 Ibid., 27.17 Stevens, ‘Healing a Whorish Heart’, 71.18 Behn, Sir Patient Fancy, 13.19 Behn, Sir Patient Fancy, 89.20 Ibid., 72.21 Kenyon, Popish Plot; Harris, Restoration, 139–146.22 Kenyon, Popish Plot, 14.23 Ibid., 1.24 Van Lennep, The London Stage. Vol.1 of The London Stage, 276; Harris, Restoration, 176.25 Behn, The Feign’d Curtizans, sig. A4r.26 Ibid.27 Ibid.28 Ibid.29 Ibid.30 Ibid.31 Ibid.32 Ibid.33 Behn, The Feign’d Curtizans, sig. A4v.34 Ibid.35 Dryden, The Kind-Keeper, 16.36 Howe, First English Actresses, 79.37 Ibid.38 Ward, The Letters of John Dryden, 148.39 Dearing and Roper, Works of John Dryden, 375; Thompson, Coyness and Crime, 50.40 Dryden, The Kind-Keeper, 16.41 Ray, Andrew Marvell Companion, 95.42 Thompson, Coynes
{"title":"Elizabeth Currer: religious non-conformity in John Dryden’s <i>The Kind-Keeper</i> and Aphra Behn’s <i>The Widdow Ranter</i>","authors":"Cora James","doi":"10.1080/0268117x.2023.2276199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2023.2276199","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn many ways, Elizabeth Currer’s career typifies modern assumptions about Restoration actresses. In her mistress roles, we might recognise the ‘lusty young wench’ of John Harold Wilson’s 1958 study.Footnote11 Wilson, All the King’s Ladies, 2. In her provocative prologues, we can read the uneasy voyeurism Elizabeth Howe describes when she writes of how an actress’s ‘rapport with spectators’ could lead to ‘gratuitous titillation’.Footnote22 Howe, First English Actresses, 171. In her trapped wives, we can understand how the libertine ideals of Charles’s court uses and abuses its women. However, beyond her depiction of sexually explicit comic characters, the comedian, Currer, came to represent a specifically eroticised threat of religious dissent during periods of political crisis. By exploring the development of this line from John Dryden’s The Kind-Keeper (1680) to Aphra Behn’s The Widdow Ranter (1690), this paper demonstrates how Currer’s career both contributed to and challenged a theatrical dialogue surrounding the national anxieties of political unrest and ideological non-conformity.KEYWORDS: Restoration TheatreAphra BehnJohn DrydenThe Kind-KeeperThe Widdow Ranter Disclosure StatementThe author reports there are no competing interests to declare.Notes1 Wilson, All the King’s Ladies, 2.2 Howe, First English Actresses, 171.3 Todd, A Secret Life, 215.4 Howe, First English Actresses, 78.5 Bush-Bailey, Treading the Bawds, 39.6 Todd, A Secret Life, 237.7 Howe, First English Actresses, 78; Highfill, Biographical Dictionary. Vol. 4 of A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, 99; Bush-Bailey, Treading the Bawds, 39.8 Crowne, The Countrey Wit, sig. A4r.9 Behn, The Town-Fopp, 49.10 Howe, First English Actresses, 79.11 Rev, 17:5.12 Collecting data from EEBO and LION, I have found the term ‘Whore of Babylon’ or synonyms thereof used twenty-one times in eighteen plays during the period 1660 to 1700. Of the twenty-one references, seven are said either to, about, or by one of Currer’s characters. Of the other references, six are directly describing the influence of Rome and Popery, six are used to describe other characters, both male and female, and two are general oaths.13 Rev, 17:2.14 Dolan, Whores of Babylon, 6.15 Ibid., 85.16 Ibid., 27.17 Stevens, ‘Healing a Whorish Heart’, 71.18 Behn, Sir Patient Fancy, 13.19 Behn, Sir Patient Fancy, 89.20 Ibid., 72.21 Kenyon, Popish Plot; Harris, Restoration, 139–146.22 Kenyon, Popish Plot, 14.23 Ibid., 1.24 Van Lennep, The London Stage. Vol.1 of The London Stage, 276; Harris, Restoration, 176.25 Behn, The Feign’d Curtizans, sig. A4r.26 Ibid.27 Ibid.28 Ibid.29 Ibid.30 Ibid.31 Ibid.32 Ibid.33 Behn, The Feign’d Curtizans, sig. A4v.34 Ibid.35 Dryden, The Kind-Keeper, 16.36 Howe, First English Actresses, 79.37 Ibid.38 Ward, The Letters of John Dryden, 148.39 Dearing and Roper, Works of John Dryden, 375; Thompson, Coyness and Crime, 50.40 Dryden, The Kind-Keeper, 16.41 Ray, Andrew Marvell Companion, 95.42 Thompson, Coynes","PeriodicalId":54080,"journal":{"name":"SEVENTEENTH CENTURY","volume":"12 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134991390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-10DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2279388
Mingna Cheng
"Literature and Natural Theology in Early Modern England." The Seventeenth Century, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Notes1 Within this intersection of literature and natural theology, in the medieval, we have Rebecca Davis, Piers Plowman and the Books of Nature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), and for the Romantic period, we have Colin Jager, The Book of God: Secularization and Design in the Romantic Era (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007).
{"title":"Literature and Natural Theology in Early Modern England <b>Literature and Natural Theology in Early Modern England</b> , by Katherine Calloway, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2023, 249 pp., £85.00 (hardback), ISBN 9781009415262","authors":"Mingna Cheng","doi":"10.1080/0268117x.2023.2279388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2023.2279388","url":null,"abstract":"\"Literature and Natural Theology in Early Modern England.\" The Seventeenth Century, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Notes1 Within this intersection of literature and natural theology, in the medieval, we have Rebecca Davis, Piers Plowman and the Books of Nature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), and for the Romantic period, we have Colin Jager, The Book of God: Secularization and Design in the Romantic Era (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007).","PeriodicalId":54080,"journal":{"name":"SEVENTEENTH CENTURY","volume":"118 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135136900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-08DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2273472
Sarah Albiez-Wieck, Raquel Gil Montero
ABSTRACTHospitality was considered a Christian and humanitarian virtue in the early modern period. This article studies hospitality in eight travel reports by Europeans who travelled Latin America in the colonial middle, i.e. the long seventeenth century. We show that even though an infrastructure of paid lodging had been established, hospitality in private homes continued to be a central form of accommodation. In contrast to early modern Europe, tourism had not yet emerged, despite some travellers’ motives being mainly curiosity. We show how the travellers got to know their hosts, what they expected from them and how they expressed their gratitude. Hospitality could be provided by countrymen but also by complete strangers, the latter sometimes being the last resort for travellers in need. Hospitality was central for travellers rich and poor. Hospitality happened mainly among Europeans. Hospitality without consent, we argue, should no longer be referred to as such.KEYWORDS: hospitalitytravelLatin Americaseventeenth century AcknowledgementsThe research for this article was funded by a Feodor-Lynen-Fellowship by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation for Sarah Albiez-Wieck. Funding for an archival visit came from the University of Münster and another one from the Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America under the grant number 01UK2023B from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research. We would like to thank colleagues present at a Workshop at CONICET-INCIHUSA in Mendoza, Argentina, and those from the Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Inquality – Conviviality for their helpful comments, especially Samuel Barbosa. We are also grateful for the very insightful comments of the anonymous peer-reviewer which helped enrich the article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘La hospitalidad ha dejado de practicarse desde que los adelantos de la civilzación moderna, facilitando comodidades para los viajeros en establecimientos públicos destinados á este fin, la ha hecho hasta cierto punto innecesario’ Serrano, Diccionario universal de la lengua castellana, ciencias y artes, 683.2 Real Academia Española, Real Academia Española 1726.3 Covarrubias, La recepción de la figura y obra de Humboldt en México 1821-2000..4 Hamlin, Alfonso de Palencia. ¿Autor del primer vocabulario romance latín que llegó a la imprenta?.5 Palencia, Universal vocabulario en latín y en romance. Tomo I, f. CLXXXXVIIIr.6 Maczak, Travel in Early Modern Europe, 8–9.7 Classen, Traveling to/in the North During the Middle Ages: The World of Northern Europe in Medieval and Early Modern Travel Narratives, 286.8 Bauks, Koenen and Pietsch, Alkier, WiBiLex – Das Bibellexikon.9 IslamReligion.com, The Religion of Islam.10 Cavallar, The Rights of Strangers, 2–3.11 In this respect it is to be mentioned that in many sixteenth-century travel reports – which were written mainly by conquerors and related the first contacts wit
研究欧洲旅行记录的Maczak (citation1995,3)注意到，从17世纪末开始，随着旅行记录的激增，也出现了类似的发展Sociedad Geográfica Española, Atlas de loes .23有关早期现代旅行写作的概述，请参见Classen, travel, Time and Space。在1750-1850年间，被引用最多的书之一是普拉特的《帝国之眼》。从那时起，最被广泛研究的旅行者可能是亚历山大·冯·洪堡，他甚至有自己的杂志，《洪堡研究国际评论》:https://www.hin-online.de/index.php/hin。我们还决定首先不包括在1730年代和1740年代旅行的博物学家，如查尔斯·玛丽·德拉孔达明、豪尔赫·胡安、安东尼奥·德乌略亚和米格尔·德桑蒂斯蒂班，因为他们的旅行并不在时间框架内;第二，因为他们的经历与后来的博物学家非常相似;第三，也是不那么重要的一点，因为他们通常有足够的财力支付住宿费Altuna， ' Ciencia, Aventura y público ' 25pastudio literario de los libros de viaje mediales，第26期同上，208(自译).27卡塔琳娜·德·埃劳索(Catalina de Erauso)吸引了很多关注，主要是因为她的酷儿身份。(参见Ferrus Antón，“La identidad en fuga”)。对埃劳索的研究最为全面的是p<s:1> rez Villanueva的《卡特琳娜·德·埃劳索的一生》。在这篇文章中，我们使用了一个更古老和最完整的版本，其中包含了关于她的更多文件:Erauso, Historia de la monja alfsamurez。玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安主要因其在昆虫学和动物学方面的开创性工作而受到关注，这些工作与奇妙的艺术插图相结合(参见舒伯特，玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安;布鲁门撒尔，《异国情调》，斯登，《玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安》;维拉提，“玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安”。)与洪堡相似，整个学术界都在研究她，她重建了她生活和旅行的许多方面，并在其网站上发表了她的信件:玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安协会:https://www.themariasibyllameriansociety.humanities.uva.nl/(最后一次检查是2023年6月7日)。在我们对梅里安的分析中，我们也受到了罗斯·玛丽·蒂利希于2021年11月12日在科隆大学举行的题为“玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安对土著人民知识的敏锐欣赏”的联合研讨会上的演讲的启发。一位18世纪的探险家发现了殖民的基本结构。28他的详细报告的信保存在玻利维亚的Histórico de la Paz档案馆:Carta de Don Joseph Martínez y Luna，引文1642.29 Albiez-Wieck和Gil Montero，“作为工具的欢乐”;Albiez-Wieck和Gil Montero，大海捞针，第30页这排除了曼努埃尔Román、塞缪尔·弗里茨、约瑟夫·古米拉、弗朗西斯科·尤西比奥·基诺、佩德罗·库贝罗Sebastián和安东尼奥·德·安德拉德，他们都在《西班牙探险家地图集》中提到了“过渡时期”。奥特，阿尔比和卡兰德，《印度移民的私人宪章》1540 - 1616,9.32舒伯特，玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安，31岁;布朗克，《与文化有关的时刻》，第33期Gemelli Careri，环球航行，1.34 Declaración de Gregorio de Robles, Citation1704, Charcas 233, AGI, f. 3r.35卡塔琳娜·德·埃劳索，阿尔夫萨雷兹monja的历史，Doña卡塔琳娜·德·埃劳索，斯米斯马穷人的历史，25.36度比斯开，Relación la Plata的历史，Río la Plata的历史，allí波尔蒂拉尔Perú.37Archivo Histórico de la Paz, Carta de Don Joseph Martínez y Luna.38 Sloane，马德拉岛，巴巴多斯岛，尼维斯岛，S. Christophers岛和牙买加岛的航行。39 Merian, Metamorphosis insectorum Surinamensium.40这在她写给Johann Georg Volkamer的信中尤其清楚，这封信写于1702年10月8日。梅里安，玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安的书信。41根据托雷布兰卡的记载，他最初的姓是查米霍:Relación histórica de Calchaquí， 20 f. 6.42同上，20 f. 6.43 Esteban ' Introducción ' .44pamerez Villanueva，《卡塔琳娜的一生》，184;又参见:Ferrer，“Prólogo del Editor”，xvi - xxiiii .45Relación histórica de Calchaquí。杜·比斯开，Relación de un viajeAlbiez-Wieck和Gil Montero，“大海捞针”，第48页冈萨雷斯,“Prologo”。49杜比斯开，Relación de un viaje(自己的翻译)。50杜·比斯开，Relación de un viaje(自己的翻译)然而，可能除了斯隆之外，没有一份报告是主要集中在海上航行的叙述，也没有一份报告是把船作为一个娱乐空间。可能有些描述呼应了中世纪的传统，认为海洋是危险的。正如Massmann所说，现代的旅行报告很早就显示出敌对船只的存在，并且更清楚地关注旅行者的经历(Massman， ' Buscando camino por la mar ')Relación histórica de Calchaquí， 20, f. 6。 112 Glave Testino, Trajinantes, 145;Barraza Lescano，殖民政权下的安第斯坦博;瓦卡·德·卡斯特罗，坦博斯法令(库斯科，1543年);Chacaltana Cortez，来自los tambos;ona镇的主要酋长don agustin garcia Chuquimarca的主张，关于必须向canaribamba镇提供的六名印第安人，以便他们在tambo del lugar履行mita, 1678年9月2日，indigenas, C12, E14, AHNE;动议让花花公子Vicencio Chavarri,裁判官的伊瓦拉,观众,为了使人民州长Cayapas 1940提供印地安人,为他的mita能够完成道路是打开的埃斯梅拉达斯省,从而实现沟通基多与陆地省(巴拿马)。米拉河上的桥，曾经是一个障碍，现在已经完成，1666年4月15日，政府，C5, E8, AHNE;普通自然保护者的申诉申诉人提出的支持印度对唐·马丁主要流域,酋长管辖一个陌生人圣洛伦索在人民Chimbo侵犯法官,作家和牧师与土著,因为有罪不罚现象的现行法律和条例规定见惯mita服务,6月16、17
{"title":"Hospitality towards European travellers in Latin America in the colonial middle","authors":"Sarah Albiez-Wieck, Raquel Gil Montero","doi":"10.1080/0268117x.2023.2273472","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2023.2273472","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTHospitality was considered a Christian and humanitarian virtue in the early modern period. This article studies hospitality in eight travel reports by Europeans who travelled Latin America in the colonial middle, i.e. the long seventeenth century. We show that even though an infrastructure of paid lodging had been established, hospitality in private homes continued to be a central form of accommodation. In contrast to early modern Europe, tourism had not yet emerged, despite some travellers’ motives being mainly curiosity. We show how the travellers got to know their hosts, what they expected from them and how they expressed their gratitude. Hospitality could be provided by countrymen but also by complete strangers, the latter sometimes being the last resort for travellers in need. Hospitality was central for travellers rich and poor. Hospitality happened mainly among Europeans. Hospitality without consent, we argue, should no longer be referred to as such.KEYWORDS: hospitalitytravelLatin Americaseventeenth century AcknowledgementsThe research for this article was funded by a Feodor-Lynen-Fellowship by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation for Sarah Albiez-Wieck. Funding for an archival visit came from the University of Münster and another one from the Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America under the grant number 01UK2023B from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research. We would like to thank colleagues present at a Workshop at CONICET-INCIHUSA in Mendoza, Argentina, and those from the Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Inquality – Conviviality for their helpful comments, especially Samuel Barbosa. We are also grateful for the very insightful comments of the anonymous peer-reviewer which helped enrich the article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ‘La hospitalidad ha dejado de practicarse desde que los adelantos de la civilzación moderna, facilitando comodidades para los viajeros en establecimientos públicos destinados á este fin, la ha hecho hasta cierto punto innecesario’ Serrano, Diccionario universal de la lengua castellana, ciencias y artes, 683.2 Real Academia Española, Real Academia Española 1726.3 Covarrubias, La recepción de la figura y obra de Humboldt en México 1821-2000..4 Hamlin, Alfonso de Palencia. ¿Autor del primer vocabulario romance latín que llegó a la imprenta?.5 Palencia, Universal vocabulario en latín y en romance. Tomo I, f. CLXXXXVIIIr.6 Maczak, Travel in Early Modern Europe, 8–9.7 Classen, Traveling to/in the North During the Middle Ages: The World of Northern Europe in Medieval and Early Modern Travel Narratives, 286.8 Bauks, Koenen and Pietsch, Alkier, WiBiLex – Das Bibellexikon.9 IslamReligion.com, The Religion of Islam.10 Cavallar, The Rights of Strangers, 2–3.11 In this respect it is to be mentioned that in many sixteenth-century travel reports – which were written mainly by conquerors and related the first contacts wit","PeriodicalId":54080,"journal":{"name":"SEVENTEENTH CENTURY","volume":"7 15","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135390801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-06DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2273476
Stephen Bardle
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Armitage, ‘Literature and Empire’, 109. On Buchanan see Williamson, ‘An Empire to End Empire’, 232. On Daniel see Fitzmaurice, Humanism and America, 81.2 Wither, ‘To His Friend Cap: Smith, Vpon His Description of New England’, A3(r).3 For a detailed contrast between the Virginia Company’s civic humanism and Captain John Smith’s aggressive Machiavellianism see Fitzmaurice, Humanism and America, 177–86. For the poem being submitted via the printers see Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith, 327–8.4 Wither, Wither’s Motto, D4(v). See also Norbrook, Poetry and Politics in the English Renaissance, 204.5 It is difficult to pinpoint the exact familial relationship between George Wither and Anthony and Richard Wither; see Pritchard, ‘According to Wood’, 283, n. 1. Richard Wither was made a shareholder in the Virginia Company on 5 January 1623. He seems to have been a merchant, judging by a reference to his overseas interests in the records of the Company; see Kingsbury (ed.), The Records of the Virginia Company of London, II, 542. The merchant Anthony Wither may have been the poet’s brother; see Bigg Wither, Materials for a History of the Wither Family, 89. He was made a brother of the Virginia Company on 24 July 1621; see Kingsbury (ed.), The Records of the Virginia Company of London, I, 521. He was later made a member of the Somers Islands Company in September 1626; see Lefroy, Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands 1515–1685, I, 399. He rarely attended Company meetings due to spending most of his time in the United Provinces. His main input was in procuring saplings ideal for planting in Virginia from the United Provinces; see Kingsbury (ed.), The Records of the Virginia Company of London, I, 521. The same Anthony Wither had made a possible allusion to George’s poetry in September 1614 in a letter from Brussels; see Norbrook, ‘The Masque of Truth’, 109, n. 69. In 1673, when investigating his account of George Wither’s life, John Aubrey planned to meet another Anthony Wither ‘who lives wth my Lady Clynton’ in Lincoln’s Inn Fields; see Pritchard, ‘According to Wood’, 282. This is likely to be the son of the merchant Anthony Wither; see Bigg Wither, Materials for a History of the Wither Family, 89.6 Ferrar, Sir Thomas Smith’s Misgovernment of the Virginia Company, 8, 12. Ferrar’s strong interest in the missionary aspects of colonisation explains his involvement in bringing the poem ‘The Church Militant’ by his friend George Herbert to press in the 1630s, when he was trying to resurrect favour for the Virginia Company. The poem anticipates the westward movement of religion to the New World. For the links between Sir John Danvers, George Herbert, and Ferrar see Powers-Beck, Writing the Flesh.7 Kingsbury (ed.), The Records of the Virginia Company of London, II, 3
17费拉尔，托马斯·史密斯爵士的《弗吉尼亚公司的治理不善》，15.18布伦纳，《商人与革命》，584.19贝克尔斯，《帝国的枢纽》，236。参见Braddick，《近代早期英格兰的国家形成》，410-19.20。文学的发展见Hoxby，《财神的音乐》，66-9.21《Wither, the Dark Lantern， ' the Perpetuall Parliament '》，74.22同上，68.23《Wither, Carmen Eucharisticon》;诺布鲁克，《写英国共和国》，239-40.24见瑞勒，《沃勒的马基雅维利式克伦威尔》25《盐上盐》，9.26同上，26.27同上，30.28参见，例如，Anon，《包含简明话语的对话》。29沃勒、德莱顿和斯普拉特，《三首诗》。这本书最初于1659年1月20日登记在文具商登记册上，马维尔的“已故护国公殿下之死的一首诗”取代了沃勒的诗。但是，当这本书最终在春天出版时，马维尔的诗被撤回，取而代之的是沃勒的诗;见《安德鲁·马维尔诗集》，299页。这仍然让Wither有时间消化这本书，并在夏天出版的《salt - on- salt》中对此作出回应。托马森在他的副本上注明“1658年7月”，划掉了1659年的印刷日期(英国图书馆，Shelfmark E.1827[2]);但《盐对盐》不可能出现在1658年7月因为克伦威尔直到30年9月才去世亨利·瓦内抨击克伦威尔实施西部计划的决定，认为这源于他的野心，在瓦内的《治愈问题》中。对克伦威尔自私自利的指责，以及有关克伦威尔在西方设计之前也曾考虑夺取王位的谣言，得到了更大的支持。关于其失败后相当程度的批评的分析，见阿米蒂奇，“克伦威尔的保护国和帝国的语言”，540-2。共和党和保皇党对沃勒对克伦威尔的殖民描述的回应在Knoppers的《构建克伦威尔》104-5中进行了分析。大卫·诺布鲁克考察了威瑟对沃勒的回应，《英国共和国》，第386 - 6页。指责克伦威尔的外交政策与克伦威尔的野心密不可分，这是他后来的著作《伯特利:世界对奥利弗·克伦威尔的错误》的核心论点。另见霍斯比，财神的音乐，69-74.31沃勒，德莱顿和斯普拉特，三首诗，3.32同上，6.33同上，6-7.34参见，例如，威瑟，平行六格文，57;参见Venning，克伦威尔外交政策，83-90.36 Wither, salt - on- salt, 29.37 Raylor，“沃勒的马基雅维利式克伦威尔”，399.38 Wither, salt - on- salt, 10.39“致沃勒先生对护国公的祝酒辞”，11。61 - 4。最早发表于诺布鲁克，作者是露西·哈钦森，《露西·哈钦森对埃德蒙·沃勒》。参见温宁，克伦威尔的外交政策，88.40贝克尔斯，“帝国的枢纽”，231.41枯萎，盐对盐，40。关于Vane的外交政策，见Mayers, 1659，第6章。霍尼伍德后来翻译了巴蒂斯塔·纳尼的《当代欧洲事务的历史，尤其是威尼斯共和国的历史》(1673;N151)。Wither, epistolium - vagum - pro萨- metricum, 21.43 Wither, A Triple Paradox, 10;沃勒在他1664年的对开本作品中将1658年的《对大部分西班牙板舰队的悲惨灾难的悲惨叙述》(L272)重新出版为“与西班牙的战争和海上战斗”，只删除了克伦威尔赞扬的最后一部分。参见沃勒:《埃德蒙·沃勒诗集》，2002年第2期，第23-8页。感谢乔治·索斯库姆提供的这封推荐信德·格瓦拉，《王子的表盘》冒险家约翰·史密斯(John Smith)船长年轻时读过这本书，尽管从史密斯在国家政策中运用激进理性的名声来看，他似乎更关注他同时读过的马基雅维利;参见菲茨莫里斯，《人文主义与美国》，183-4.47;德·格瓦拉，《王子的表盘》傻瓜。228 (v)的相关性枯萎，英国国教，70岁;德·格瓦拉，《王子的表盘》傻瓜。230 (v)报《论圣詹姆斯公园》，1911年;Hoxby，《财神的音乐》，92.50 CSPD 1663-4, 403.51 Spurr，英格兰在1670年代，133.52见Pincus，《新教与爱国主义》，237-55。关于平卡斯对冲突的经济原因不予考虑的重要批评，请参阅Israel，“Review: England, Dutch Republic, and Europe in十七世纪”，1120。更直接的经济解释见Seaward，“下议院贸易委员会”53枯萎，大号-太平洋，21.54西德尼，法庭箴言，133-44.55枯萎，大号-太平洋，5,6-7,19.56同上，57同上，5.58沃勒，给画家的指示，3.59枯萎，大号-太平洋，24.60同上，11.61同上，8-9.62枯萎，为投手叹息，35.63同上，19.64同上，29(误页39)同上，28(误页38).66同上，37.67同上，29(误页39)。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2263840
Ayumu Tamura
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 This paper uses the following abbreviations: AT: Œuvres de Descartes, eds. Charles Adam & Paul Tannery, nouvelle présentation, 11 vols. (Paris: Vrin, 1964–1974). Conventional abbreviations, volume numbers (Roman numerals), and page numbers (Arabic numerals) are shown in this order. All emphases (Italics) in the quoted portions have been added by the author. Reference is made to the translation by Cotthingham, et al. (CSM[K]: The Philosophical Writings of Descartes) but some portions of these have been altered by the author.2 Marion, Sur la Théologie blanche de Descartes, 380–381; cf. Brown, Turning Points: Essays in the History of Cultural Expressions, 162.3 Rosenthal, ‘Will and the Theory of Judgment’, 422.4 According to Londey and Johanson, the word ‘propositio’ was established by Apuleius as a name for what is true or false; one can not find this specific usage in literature written prior to his work. See Londey and Johanson, The Logic of Apuleius, 35.5 Abelard, Dialectica, 153.6 Gracia, ‘Propositions as Premisses of Syllogisms in Medieval Logic’, 545.7 Gracia, ibid.8 The following study analyses in detail the distinction between the terms used for the cogito: Tamura, ‘Bringing an End to the Interpretative Dispute on Descartes’s Cogito: the Cogito as Vérité, Cognitio, Propositio, and Conclusio’, 38–48.9 Ramus used ‘propositio’ to name major premises of syllogisms and ‘axioma’, as well as ‘enuntiatio/enuntiatum’, to name propositions that do not constitute syllogisms. See Aho and Yrjönsuuri, ‘Late Medieval Logic’, 83; Kneale and Kneale, The Development of Logic, 303.10 Fonseca’s Institutionum dialecticarum was used as a textbook of Logic in La Flèche. See Camille de Rochemonteix, Un Collège de jésuites aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: le Collège Henri IV de La Flèche, 27. In addition, Suárez’s Metaphysical Disputations is one of the few references that Descartes himself mentions by name (4ae Resp., AT-VII, 235). Furthermore, Descartes mentions the commentaries of the Coimbrans as a textbook of philosophy with which he was familiar: ‘[I beg you] to tell me which are the most commonly used, and whether they have any new ones since twenty years ago. I remember only some of the Coimbricenses […]’ (AT-III, 185; CSMK, 154). The commentaries are long, so it is impossible to ensure that Descartes read them all, but it is useful to understand how the Latin word ‘pronuntiatum’ was used at the time.11 However, in Fonseca’s Institutiones, ‘pronuntiatum’ is used only once in a way that could be considered a paraphrase of ‘enuntiatio’, as far as I have been able to ascertain: ‘This enuntiatio, “Socrates is not an animal”, […] contradicts the antecedent. […] this pronuntiatum, “Socrates is not a philosopher”, does not contradict the antecedent. ([…] haec enuntiatio, Socrates non est animal, […] repugnat Antecedenti. […]
但是，如果我的目的是为了避免想到我们死后会变得悲惨，又有什么必要通过哀叹来使生活更加悲惨呢?我们在书中这样做了，在书中我们尽了最大的努力来安慰自己。如果真理是我们的目标，那么死亡将使我们远离恶，而不是善。事实上，昔兰尼人希格西亚斯用大量的例证讨论了这一思想，据说他被托勒密国王阻止讲授这一主题，因为他的许多听众后来自杀了。(Tusculan, I, 83)见夏皮罗:《波西米亚公主伊丽莎白与雷诺·笛卡儿的通信》，121 [n]。86]。此外，笛卡儿在给惠更斯的信中介绍以弗所城时，很可能参考了西塞罗的《图斯克兰论辩》，以弗所城被禁止在其中出类拔萃;同样的故事也可以在里面找到。参见:AT-I, 388;图斯科兰，弗吉尼亚州，36岁。此外，根据Menn的说法，笛卡尔的短语“心灵可能被引导离开感官(mentem a sensibus abducendam)”(Med.， AT-VII, 12)是基于西塞罗的短语“它需要强大的智力将心灵从感官中抽象出来，并将思想从习惯的力量中分离出来(magni autem est ingenii sevocare mentem a sensibus et cognitationem ab consuetudine abducere)”(西塞罗，Tusculan, 45)。此外，当笛卡儿说:“许多人以前说过，为了理解形而上学的问题，心灵必须从感官中抽离出来。”， AT-VII, 131)，他指的是西塞罗的“许多人”;事实上，在笛卡尔之前的几个世纪里，除了西塞罗没有人提出过这个观点。参见Menn, Descartes和Augustine, 223 [n]。17)含量里特和格里<e:1>德，Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie, 1509-10.16人们经常声称笛卡尔没有读过塞克斯图斯的《皮龙主义纲要》。例如，弗洛里迪坚持认为，笛卡尔可能从未读过《纲要》;如果他读过这本书，他会在讨论动物理性时提到克里西普斯的理性狗。参见Floridi，“怀疑主义和动物理性”，第52页。然而，Fine反驳道:“他确实从来没有提到塞克斯都的名字。但他没有这样做并不表明他没有读过他的作品:笛卡尔不经常引用任何人;他喜欢把自己塑造成一个不花太多时间阅读的人。塞克斯图斯当然有希腊语和拉丁语版本。参见Fine，《笛卡儿与古代怀疑论》，195-234页。更重要的是，“克里西普斯的理性狗”也出现在蒙田的《随笔》(第二卷，第12章:“为雷蒙德·塞本道歉”)中，这是笛卡尔最喜欢的书，但如果我们接受弗洛里迪的观点，那么笛卡尔就不会读《随笔》。事实上，笛卡尔和塞克斯图斯在内容上有一些相似之处:对三段论的批评，对定义的批评，对寻求真理的多数决定原则的批评，对现实生活准则的建立(塞克斯图斯的“日常仪式”，笛卡尔的“临时道德准则”)，等等。参见柯利，笛卡儿反对怀疑论者，第27页;高克罗格:笛卡儿逻辑:论笛卡儿的推理概念11好，《笛卡儿和古代怀疑论:重新加热的卷心菜?》’，第6节。当然，两者在内容上的相似之处当然是间接的。然而，考虑到塞克斯图斯的《概论》在笛卡尔时代广为流传，而且笛卡尔自己也写道:“我看过许多学者和怀疑论者关于这个问题的古代著作[=怀疑一切事物，特别是物质的事物]”(2ae Resp.)。， AT-VII, 130)，笛卡尔极有可能接触到塞克斯图斯的《提纲》。17西塞罗的《学院论》从16世纪开始广为流传。正如前面的注释所引用的，笛卡尔写道:“我看过许多学者和怀疑论者的古代著作。”分别地。， at-vii, 130)。此外，根据Menn和Brown的观点，笛卡尔欺骗上帝的论点来源于西塞罗的《学院论》。关于西塞罗对笛卡儿的影响，见门恩、笛卡儿和奥古斯丁，第五章B节;布朗，《笛卡尔与内容怀疑论》，25-42.18阿佛洛狄西亚的亚历山大，Alexandri In Aristotelis Analyticorum Priorum Librum I Commentarium, 177-178.19 Bobzien，《斯多亚逻辑》，87.20笛卡尔在《原理》的法文版序言中写道，“(一个人)应该研究逻辑。”我并不是指学派的逻辑，因为严格地说，这只不过是一种辩证法，它教导人们如何向别人解释自己已经知道的东西，甚至如何对自己不知道的东西不加评判地滔滔不绝。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-23DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2266480
Katherine Calloway
ABSTRACTIn recent decades, it has become clear that John Donne’s seventeenth-century readership is larger and more varied than was once believed. One audience that has not been given much scholarly attention, however, is English puritans on both sides of the Atlantic. This article brings to light several possible avenues for the transmission of Donne’s works to these readers and then identifies explicit references and poetic allusions to Donne by writers of these theological and ecclesiastical persuasions.KEYWORDS: John Donnepuritanismnonconformity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Brooke Conti, rev. of Manuscript Matters, E100.2 Lein, ‘John Donne’, 114–16, lists twenty-four first editions of complete works authored by Donne printed in the seventeenth century; Sullivan, ‘Modern Scholarly Editions’, 65–80, works through the early prose publications/editions among these; he also collects hundreds of appearances of Donne’s verse in seventeenth-century multi-authored works in The Influence of John Donne.3 Critical studies of Donne’s early reception include A.J. Smith, ‘Donne’s Reputation’, and John Donne: The Critical Heritage; Shawcross, ‘Some Early References to John Donne’, ‘Some Further Early Allusions to Donne’, and ‘More Early Allusions to Donne and Herbert’; Sullivan, Influence of John Donne and ‘John Donne’s Seventeenth-Century Readers’; Daniel Starza Smith, John Donne and the Conway Papers; Lara M. Crowley, Manuscript Matters; and Joshua Eckhardt, Religion around John Donne.4 Sullivan, ‘Donne’s Seventeenth-Century Readers’, 26–27.5 ‘Puritan’, ‘Reformed’, ‘nonconformist’, and ‘dissenter’ have different meanings, the latter two applying in the Restoration when conformity to the established church was again enforced in England to varying degrees. Nonetheless, there is considerable overlap on the ground among members of these groups between 1650 and 1700, and in this essay I aim to cast a net over this theological and ecclesiastical plot – even including members of radical sects – defined against conforming or Catholic readers. For a discussion of the complexity of these categories, see Adlington, ‘Restoration, Religion, and Law’, 424–25; a helpful survey of the literary output of dissenters between 1558 and 1689 can be found in Sell, ‘Varieties of English Separatist and Dissenting Writings’, 25–46.6 Ibid., 29.7 Sullivan, Influence of John Donne, 7.8 Barbara Lewalski, Donne’s Anniversaries and the Poetry of Praise, 307–70.9 Raspa, ‘Introduction’, xli-xliv; Sullivan, ‘Introduction’, xlii-lvii, xxiv.10 Raspa, ‘Introduction’, lxxii-iii.11 Sullivan (ed.), Biathanatos, 73, citing Paul Sellin. Notably, Grindal’s parents were English puritan separatists who emigrated in 1608: see Schoneveld, ‘t Word grooter plas, 19.12 Dixon, ‘Sermons in Print’, 469. Dixon adds that ‘Isaac Watts’s copy [of Ecclesiastes], in which he recorded the recommendations of his tutor Thomas Rowe, is in Dr Williams’s Librar
这些都是不同的参考文献，而不是同一篇讲道的重印。加尔文在《要义》2.1.9中使用了这个短语，宣称不虔诚和骄傲(不是撒旦)占据了城堡格里本，《清教徒的千年》，212.23曼顿，《布道集第二卷》，73。与巴克斯特1681年的诗《哀歌》相比，《诗片》第63页:“如果[上帝]刺穿人心，它不是没有因果关系的……/耶和华的大炮应该在哪里射击，/不是在他敌人所在的堡垒?”24例如，威廉·普林(另一个难以分类的人)在他的《对所有英国自由民的合理的、法律的和历史的辩护》(1655年，伦敦)中，将多恩的“印刷布道”列在一连串攻击耶稣会士的权威中(未编号的第25页)李，奥比斯奇迹，6.26威尔斯，567.27伯吉斯，基督徒热切的期望，33-34.28奈斯，一个独特的话语，13-14.29淋浴，新年礼物，15-16.30莱伊，圣徒休息，27.31莱伊，例外多而公正，30.32邓恩等人(编辑)，威廉佩恩的论文，81.33佩恩，没有十字架，没有皇冠，序言。34同上，100.35同上，序言36《公平警告》于1668年再次出版，这一次署名作者是保皇党和传记作家大卫·劳埃德(David Lloyd, 1635-92)。37 .例如，特里亚-苏姆尼亚的梅休，166年和西哈，1990 - 91年;惠特库姆:《提倡美德的随笔》，第46页;特纳，《完整的历史》，88分;《葬礼布道》，406页。罗伯特·奥弗顿也引用了这句话:见诺布鲁克，“脸红的致敬”，234.38尼希米·罗杰斯在《没有无花果的无花果树》中引用多恩为“博学的医生”，第13和248页以及《富有的傻瓜》，109.39格里夫斯，“约翰·罗杰斯(b. 1627)”，ODNB.40约翰·罗杰斯，Ohel or Beth-Shemesh, 378.41同上，390页。史密斯，《完美宣言》，36年;格里本，《清教徒的千年》，212年，注意到罗杰斯对多恩的暗示。42诺布鲁克，《绯红的贡品》，220年。43肖克罗斯两次声称佩恩是“圣公会教徒”，但在这两个地方都没有给出证据:“佩恩，菲利普(1647-1667)，诗人”，ANB，提到了相反的指控，以及“一些殖民时期的美国作家”，36年。鉴于公理会是在马萨诸塞州建立起来的，我认为举证责任在于学者坚持认为这个殖民地的成员是“英国国教”。44例:沃伦，《爱德华·泰勒的诗歌》和华莱士·凯布尔·布朗，《爱德华·泰勒:一个美国的“形而上学”》;关于多恩和泰勒共同的诗学的更近期的评价，见金伯利·约翰逊，《成为肉体》，例如88-89:“就像泰勒的月经诗学一样，多恩的隐喻重新赋予了肉体的意义... .正如泰勒所做的那样，多恩在他的布道中留下了一个健康的元评论，对那些使他的诗歌充满活力的担忧进行了评论托马斯·h·约翰逊，《爱德华·泰勒:一位清教徒的“神圣诗人”》，322.46肖克罗斯，《一些美国殖民地作家》，36.47同上，33.48同上，36.49哈罗德·s·扬茨，《新英格兰诗歌的第一个世纪》，423.50肖克罗斯，《一些美国殖民地作家》，39.51戴利，芭芭拉。“奥克斯，乌里安(1631 - 1681年7月25日)”，ANB.52肖克罗斯，“一些殖民时期的美国作家”，41.53哈里森T.马塞罗尔，17世纪的美国诗歌(纽约，1968年)，213-14.54多恩的作品在18世纪早期开始出现在拍卖目录中:早期美国印记数据库在1719年的目录中列出了Biathanatos，在1720.55年的“论文”中列出了多恩的“论文”，Scott-Bauman，《参与的形式》126，和Norbrook，《害羞的致敬》234，都声称多恩在清教徒中很受欢迎，但都没有给出多恩在奥弗顿和哈钦森之外的清教徒读者的例子。Scott-Bauman引用了Lewalski的《Donne’s anniversary and Poetry of Praise》(1973)来为自己的观点辩护，特别提到了Daniel Price和Andrew Marvell，但是Price虽然是一个坚定的加尔文主义者，但却是赫里福德的院长，死于1631年。莱瓦尔斯基对多恩遗产的研究停留在1650年代的马维尔身上，马维尔的教会论很滑头芭芭拉·塔夫特，“奥弗顿，罗伯特(1608/9-1678/9)，国会军官”，odn57 .57诺布鲁克，“羞红的致敬”，236.58杰西·霍克，唯物主义的情色，118-44，讨论了哈钦森对卢克莱特主题的使用，她的圣经史诗《秩序与无序》以及她为约翰·哈钦森写的挽歌。59斯科特-鲍曼，《交战的形式》，126.60同上，135-36.61霍克，唯物主义的情色，135.62诺布鲁克，“露西·哈钦森的“挽歌”505-6,511。在第480页，诺布鲁克断言“复苏”也让人想起了“禁止哀悼”哈钦森，《秩序与无序》，172-73.64海伦·威尔科克斯，《在圣殿区》，264页。
{"title":"John Donne and English Puritanism, 1650–1700","authors":"Katherine Calloway","doi":"10.1080/0268117x.2023.2266480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2023.2266480","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn recent decades, it has become clear that John Donne’s seventeenth-century readership is larger and more varied than was once believed. One audience that has not been given much scholarly attention, however, is English puritans on both sides of the Atlantic. This article brings to light several possible avenues for the transmission of Donne’s works to these readers and then identifies explicit references and poetic allusions to Donne by writers of these theological and ecclesiastical persuasions.KEYWORDS: John Donnepuritanismnonconformity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Brooke Conti, rev. of Manuscript Matters, E100.2 Lein, ‘John Donne’, 114–16, lists twenty-four first editions of complete works authored by Donne printed in the seventeenth century; Sullivan, ‘Modern Scholarly Editions’, 65–80, works through the early prose publications/editions among these; he also collects hundreds of appearances of Donne’s verse in seventeenth-century multi-authored works in The Influence of John Donne.3 Critical studies of Donne’s early reception include A.J. Smith, ‘Donne’s Reputation’, and John Donne: The Critical Heritage; Shawcross, ‘Some Early References to John Donne’, ‘Some Further Early Allusions to Donne’, and ‘More Early Allusions to Donne and Herbert’; Sullivan, Influence of John Donne and ‘John Donne’s Seventeenth-Century Readers’; Daniel Starza Smith, John Donne and the Conway Papers; Lara M. Crowley, Manuscript Matters; and Joshua Eckhardt, Religion around John Donne.4 Sullivan, ‘Donne’s Seventeenth-Century Readers’, 26–27.5 ‘Puritan’, ‘Reformed’, ‘nonconformist’, and ‘dissenter’ have different meanings, the latter two applying in the Restoration when conformity to the established church was again enforced in England to varying degrees. Nonetheless, there is considerable overlap on the ground among members of these groups between 1650 and 1700, and in this essay I aim to cast a net over this theological and ecclesiastical plot – even including members of radical sects – defined against conforming or Catholic readers. For a discussion of the complexity of these categories, see Adlington, ‘Restoration, Religion, and Law’, 424–25; a helpful survey of the literary output of dissenters between 1558 and 1689 can be found in Sell, ‘Varieties of English Separatist and Dissenting Writings’, 25–46.6 Ibid., 29.7 Sullivan, Influence of John Donne, 7.8 Barbara Lewalski, Donne’s Anniversaries and the Poetry of Praise, 307–70.9 Raspa, ‘Introduction’, xli-xliv; Sullivan, ‘Introduction’, xlii-lvii, xxiv.10 Raspa, ‘Introduction’, lxxii-iii.11 Sullivan (ed.), Biathanatos, 73, citing Paul Sellin. Notably, Grindal’s parents were English puritan separatists who emigrated in 1608: see Schoneveld, ‘t Word grooter plas, 19.12 Dixon, ‘Sermons in Print’, 469. Dixon adds that ‘Isaac Watts’s copy [of Ecclesiastes], in which he recorded the recommendations of his tutor Thomas Rowe, is in Dr Williams’s Librar","PeriodicalId":54080,"journal":{"name":"SEVENTEENTH CENTURY","volume":"PAMI-1 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135413546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2267508
Alan Ford
"The Devil from over the Sea: remembering and forgetting Oliver Cromwell in Ireland." The Seventeenth Century, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《海上来的魔鬼:爱尔兰的奥利弗·克伦威尔的记忆与遗忘》《十七世纪》，印刷前第1-2页
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Pub Date : 2023-10-04DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2261409
Seung Cho
ABSTRACTThis article explores Thomas Browne’s figuration of the Amphibium mind in Religio Medici as the hallmark of the seventeenth-century literary mind, oriented toward intellectual flexibility, generosity, and harmony. The article argues that such a mind is the specific product of Browne’s double engagement with rhetoric and scepticism, whose innate kinship has not received much critical attention. Religio Medici includes multiple locations, in which Browne’s diversity-seeking, conciliatory rhetoric is aligned with his sceptical acuity. The rhetoric and scepticism share dissatisfaction with any dogmatic centralisation of ideas and sensitivity to the ambiguity of truth. Their affiliation is often expressed in this book as a dynamic presentation of conflicting perspectives, ideas, and values, subject to a careful deliberation that demands the suspension of judgment and the open-minded acceptance of different opinions. Investigating this rhetoric-scepticism coupling illuminates the process of how his distinctively magnanimous mind germinated and developed into his literary profile.KEYWORDS: BrownescepticismrhetoricepistemologyAmphibiumcreative generalisation AcknowledgmentsI genuinely thank Dr. Kenneth Gross and Dr. Jonathan Baldo of the University of Rochester for their inspiring feedback and sincere commitment to the development of this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Pascal, VII. 130.2 All quotations from Religio Medici are from the text printed in Sir Thomas Browne, Religio Medici and Urne-Buriall. Edited by Stephen Greenblatt and Ramie Targoff. New York: New York Review Books, 2012. Religio Medici will be hereafter written in this paper as an abbreviation, Religio.3 Digby, 114, 115, criticises Browne’s stylistic extravagance, which, in his opinion, lacks the clarity of thought necessary for a philosopher, reducing Religio to a collection of ‘aequivocall considerations,’ not articulated ‘scientifically and methodically.’ Johnson, xiv, famously states that Browne’s mind consists of ‘self-love’ and ‘an imagination vigorous and fertile,’ despite his distaste for the author’s fragmentary, flamboyant rhetoric. Samuel Taylor Coleridge, 176, defines Browne as ‘a quiet and sublime enthusiast’ as well as ‘a fantast, a humourist, a brain with a twist,’ whose mind is ‘egotistic like Montaigne.’ Hazlitt, 333, favourably views the bewildering power of Browne’s prose, characterizing his literary mind with ‘the universality of its nature and the inscrutableness of its origin.’ As a fervent proponent of Browne, Pater, 164, pays attention to the author’s ingenious, sympathetic mind in inquiry as the source of his ‘intellectual powers’ untouched by prejudice, one that ‘tend[s] strongly to agnosticism.’4 Matthiessen, 103.5 De Quincey, 44; also qtd. in Matthiessen, 120.6 Melville, 121.7 Conti, 112.8 Berensmeyer, 116.9 Barbour, 601, 604.10 Many Browne critics have attempted to define the notion of
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Pub Date : 2023-10-03DOI: 10.1080/0268117x.2023.2249861
Basil Bowdler, Arthur der Weduwen
In 1669, the regents of the States General, the federal assembly of the Dutch Republic, instructed their printer (Statendrukker) henceforth to print all documents that they required in at least five copies. Amongst resolutions, placards and ordinances, this included the regular despatches from the Republic’s diplomatic agents. This remarkable printed correspondence, which has never before been studied in depth, is the focus of our article. The practice of printing diplomatic despatches was unique to the Dutch Republic: by drawing attention to this neglected source, we shed light on the circulation of news amongst the political elite of the Dutch Republic, as well as broader diplomatic and news networks in Europe. By directly comparing the content of the news provided in the diplomatic despatches with that publicly available in the commercial newspapers of the Republic, we also challenge a dichotomy between public and private news provision and a perception of the regents as obsessed with secrecy. We suggest that the printed despatches were not valued by the States General because they contained exclusive information, but rather because they could be used to verify news already available to the regents through other sources, and to facilitate the circulation of information from the States General in The Hague to the provincial States and city councils. This article also presents evidence that the States General’s printed despatches occasionally circulated among foreign agents and officials.
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