Rifle, Pen, and Prayer Beads: Constructing Political Legitimacy in Mali

Dorothea E. Schulz
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Ignoring international calls for an immediate return to civilian rule, the leaders of the coup d'état underlined their determination to \"put state politics on new foundations\" before the next elections so as to reestablish law and order and put a stop to a general economic malaise brought about, in their account, by an increasingly corrupt civilian political elite under the previous presidencies of Alpha Oumar Konaré, Amadou Toumani Touré, and Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. Only nine months later, in May 2021, a transitional government put into place by the military leaders to signal their intention to return to civilian rule was terminated by another coup (the third one within a decade), when Colonel Assimi Goita, then vice president and leader of the 2020 military coup, arrested President Bah N'Daw and Moctar Ouane, the prime minister of the transitional government, and had himself installed as the head of state. The military leaders then retracted their promise to ensure a transition to civilian rule within the next eighteen months and hold presidential elections in February 2022—a move to which the country's long-standing allies in the Euro-American West responded by rallying other members of the West African bloc ECOWAS1 to impose economic and financial sanctions on Mali in January 2022. This special issue brings together studies that aim at historically grounded empirical investigations of political legitimacy in Mali.2 Many scholarly accounts and reports by foreign donor agencies have depicted the rising level of insecurity and political instability in Mali's different regions since the 2012 coup d'état as a sudden and somewhat surprising disruption of the country's role as a beacon of democratization in Africa (Bergamaschi 2007, 2014; Gavelle, Siméant, and Traoré 2013; Wing 2008, 2013). This special issue seeks to add analytical and empirical nuance to this view by [End Page 1] proposing a three-pronged intervention. First, we read the precarity and instability of present-day political institutions and procedural legitimacy as mirroring long-standing trends of asserting and contesting public authority. We thus seek to understand the instability that has shaped Malian politics since the toppling of President Touré in 2012 in light of the precarious legitimacy of political institutions and actors that has shaped political dynamics throughout Sahelian West Africa for decades. Second, in contrast to studies of the \"Malian crisis\" that center on either \"the north,\" the \"central region,\" or \"the south\" and Bamako, its political epicenter, the contributions by Souleymane Diallo and Dorothea Schulz and Andrew Hernández trace distinct regional trajectories of (de)constructions of public authority and legitimacy in contemporary Mali while keeping in mind the broader West African Sahelian setting of changing transborder regimes of (in)securitization (Bencherif and Campana 2017; Lacher 2008; Scheele 2012) and the extent to which Western donors' shifting agendas have changed the conditions for political praxis at the national and regional levels (Bergamaschi 2007; Mann 2006, 2015). Third, rather than view official legitimacy constructions as emanating from a coherent elite politics that may be contrasted to a \"politics from below\" (Bayart, Membe, and Comi 1992), the articles probe the role of different segments of the political elite in these processes, distinguishing three types of actors according to the symbolic register on which they draw to claim political legitimacy: first, politicians, who, as Western-school educated intellectuals (symbolized by \"the pen\"), owe their office to constitutionalism and democratic procedure; second, military leaders, whose power builds on their ability and willingness to impose order by force (\"the rifle\"); and third and finally, politically influential figures who claim authority by reference to Islamic prescripts as the ultimate foundation of public order (\"prayer beads\"). By examining the shifting relations among different segments of the political elite, we follow in the footsteps of historical and sociological studies on Sahelian West Africa...","PeriodicalId":39703,"journal":{"name":"Africa Today","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Africa Today","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.70.1.01","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Rifle, Pen, and Prayer Beads:Constructing Political Legitimacy in Mali Dorothea E. Schulz (bio) Introduction On August 18, 2020, after months of popular unrest targeting the increasingly unpopular presidency of Ibrahim Boubacar Keita and rallies coordinated by Imam Mahmoud Dicko, a leading figure of Muslim opposition, a group of colonels from the Kati military base seized power and forced President Keita's resignation. Ignoring international calls for an immediate return to civilian rule, the leaders of the coup d'état underlined their determination to "put state politics on new foundations" before the next elections so as to reestablish law and order and put a stop to a general economic malaise brought about, in their account, by an increasingly corrupt civilian political elite under the previous presidencies of Alpha Oumar Konaré, Amadou Toumani Touré, and Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. Only nine months later, in May 2021, a transitional government put into place by the military leaders to signal their intention to return to civilian rule was terminated by another coup (the third one within a decade), when Colonel Assimi Goita, then vice president and leader of the 2020 military coup, arrested President Bah N'Daw and Moctar Ouane, the prime minister of the transitional government, and had himself installed as the head of state. The military leaders then retracted their promise to ensure a transition to civilian rule within the next eighteen months and hold presidential elections in February 2022—a move to which the country's long-standing allies in the Euro-American West responded by rallying other members of the West African bloc ECOWAS1 to impose economic and financial sanctions on Mali in January 2022. This special issue brings together studies that aim at historically grounded empirical investigations of political legitimacy in Mali.2 Many scholarly accounts and reports by foreign donor agencies have depicted the rising level of insecurity and political instability in Mali's different regions since the 2012 coup d'état as a sudden and somewhat surprising disruption of the country's role as a beacon of democratization in Africa (Bergamaschi 2007, 2014; Gavelle, Siméant, and Traoré 2013; Wing 2008, 2013). This special issue seeks to add analytical and empirical nuance to this view by [End Page 1] proposing a three-pronged intervention. First, we read the precarity and instability of present-day political institutions and procedural legitimacy as mirroring long-standing trends of asserting and contesting public authority. We thus seek to understand the instability that has shaped Malian politics since the toppling of President Touré in 2012 in light of the precarious legitimacy of political institutions and actors that has shaped political dynamics throughout Sahelian West Africa for decades. Second, in contrast to studies of the "Malian crisis" that center on either "the north," the "central region," or "the south" and Bamako, its political epicenter, the contributions by Souleymane Diallo and Dorothea Schulz and Andrew Hernández trace distinct regional trajectories of (de)constructions of public authority and legitimacy in contemporary Mali while keeping in mind the broader West African Sahelian setting of changing transborder regimes of (in)securitization (Bencherif and Campana 2017; Lacher 2008; Scheele 2012) and the extent to which Western donors' shifting agendas have changed the conditions for political praxis at the national and regional levels (Bergamaschi 2007; Mann 2006, 2015). Third, rather than view official legitimacy constructions as emanating from a coherent elite politics that may be contrasted to a "politics from below" (Bayart, Membe, and Comi 1992), the articles probe the role of different segments of the political elite in these processes, distinguishing three types of actors according to the symbolic register on which they draw to claim political legitimacy: first, politicians, who, as Western-school educated intellectuals (symbolized by "the pen"), owe their office to constitutionalism and democratic procedure; second, military leaders, whose power builds on their ability and willingness to impose order by force ("the rifle"); and third and finally, politically influential figures who claim authority by reference to Islamic prescripts as the ultimate foundation of public order ("prayer beads"). By examining the shifting relations among different segments of the political elite, we follow in the footsteps of historical and sociological studies on Sahelian West Africa...
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步枪、笔和念珠:在马里构建政治合法性
2020年8月18日,在针对日益不受欢迎的总统易卜拉欣·布巴卡尔·凯塔(Ibrahim Boubacar Keita)的民众骚乱和穆斯林反对派领袖伊玛目马哈茂德·迪科(Imam Mahmoud Dicko)协调的集会持续数月之后,一群来自卡蒂军事基地的上校夺取了权力,迫使总统凯塔辞职。政变领导人无视国际社会要求立即恢复文官统治的呼声,强调他们决心在下次选举前“将国家政治建立在新的基础上”,以便重建法律和秩序,并制止他们所说的由前总统阿尔法·奥马尔·科纳瓦尔、阿马杜·图马尼·图尔瓦尔和易卜拉希姆·布巴卡尔·凯塔领导下日益腐败的文官政治精英造成的普遍经济萎靡。仅仅9个月后,即2021年5月,军方领导人为表明他们有意回归文官统治而成立的过渡政府被另一场政变(十年内的第三次政变)终止,当时的副总统、2020年军事政变的领导人阿西米·戈伊塔上校逮捕了总统巴哈·恩道和过渡政府总理莫塔·瓦内,并自封为国家元首。军方领导人随后收回了他们的承诺,即确保在未来18个月内过渡到文官统治,并在2022年2月举行总统选举。对此,该国在欧美西方的长期盟友做出回应,召集西非国家经济共同体的其他成员国,于2022年1月对马里实施经济和金融制裁。这期特期汇集了针对马里政治合法性的历史实证调查的研究。2 .外国捐助机构的许多学术报告和报告都描述了自2012年的政变以来,马里不同地区的不安全和政治不稳定程度不断上升,这是对该国作为非洲民主化灯塔的角色的突然和有些令人惊讶的破坏(Bergamaschi 2007, 2014;Gavelle, simsamant, and traor 2013;Wing 2008, 2013)。本期特刊试图通过[End Page 1]提出三管齐下的干预措施,为这一观点增加分析和经验上的细微差别。首先,我们将当今政治制度和程序合法性的不稳定性和不稳定性解读为维护和挑战公共权威的长期趋势的反映。因此,鉴于几十年来影响整个西非萨赫勒地区政治动态的政治机构和行动者的合法性岌岌可危,我们试图理解自2012年图尔维尔总统被推翻以来影响马里政治的不稳定因素。其次,与以“北部”、“中部”为中心的“马里危机”研究不同,或“南方”及其政治中心巴马科,Souleymane Diallo、Dorothea Schulz和Andrew Hernández的贡献追溯了当代马里公共权威和合法性建构的不同区域轨迹,同时牢记更广泛的西非萨赫勒背景下不断变化的跨境证券化制度(Bencherif and Campana 2017;lache 2008;Scheele 2012),以及西方捐助者的议程转变在多大程度上改变了国家和地区层面的政治实践条件(Bergamaschi 2007;Mann 2006, 2015)。第三,与其将官方合法性结构视为源自连贯的精英政治(可能与“来自下层的政治”形成对比)(Bayart, Membe, and Comi, 1992),文章探讨了政治精英不同部分在这些过程中的作用,根据他们声称政治合法性的象征性注册区分了三种类型的行动者:首先是政治家,作为受过西方教育的知识分子(以“笔”为象征),他们的职位归功于宪政和民主程序;其次是军事领导人,他们的权力建立在他们用武力(“步枪”)维持秩序的能力和意愿之上;第三,也是最后一个,政治上有影响力的人物,他们通过引用伊斯兰教的规定作为公共秩序的最终基础(“念珠”)来宣称权威。通过研究不同政治精英阶层之间不断变化的关系,我们追随了对西非萨赫勒地区的历史和社会学研究的脚步。
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来源期刊
Africa Today
Africa Today Social Sciences-Sociology and Political Science
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期刊介绍: Africa Today, a leading journal for more than 50 years, has been in the forefront of publishing Africanist reform-minded research, and provides access to the best scholarly work from around the world on a full range of political, economic, and social issues. Active electronic and combined electronic/print subscriptions to this journal include access to the online backrun.
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