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Coups d'État, Political Legitimacy, and Instability in Mali 政变État,政治合法性,以及马里的不稳定
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/at.2023.a905851
Susanna D. Wing
Abstract: Mali, once argued to be a democratic model for Africa, is in a state of perennial crisis, the result of poor governance, unmet democratic expectations, and competition for domestic political legitimacy among the political class, the military, and religious leaders. After the 1991 revolution, international donors poured money into Mali to promote democratization. Meanwhile, most Malian citizens were becoming increasingly disconnected from a growing political class dependent on these funds. This article shows how popular protests led to both the reversal of family-law reform and the instigation of military coups d'état. The lack of accountability of the political class and the influx of donor money have contributed to increased popular perceptions of state corruption and impunity. Peace and security are impossible amid governance failures and serial coups d'état. This article explains the political consequences of the breakdown of popular trust and political legitimacy of the ruling elite and argues that restoring trust and legitimacy is a critical element to rebuilding Mali.
摘要:马里曾被认为是非洲的民主典范,但由于治理不善、民主期望未得到满足,以及政治阶层、军方和宗教领袖之间对国内政治合法性的竞争,该国长期处于危机状态。1991年革命后,国际捐助者向马里提供了大量资金,以促进民主化。与此同时,大多数马里公民越来越脱离依赖这些资金的日益壮大的政治阶层。这篇文章展示了民众的抗议是如何导致家庭法改革的逆转和军事政变的煽动。政治阶层缺乏问责制以及捐赠资金的流入,导致民众对国家腐败和有罪不罚现象的看法日益加深。在治理失败和连续政变的情况下,和平与安全是不可能的。本文解释了民众信任和统治精英政治合法性崩溃的政治后果,并认为恢复信任和合法性是重建马里的关键因素。
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引用次数: 0
Rifle, Pen, and Prayer Beads: Constructing Political Legitimacy in Mali 步枪、笔和念珠:在马里构建政治合法性
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/at.2023.a905847
Dorothea E. Schulz
Rifle, Pen, and Prayer Beads:Constructing Political Legitimacy in Mali Dorothea E. Schulz (bio) Introduction On August 18, 2020, after months of popular unrest targeting the increasingly unpopular presidency of Ibrahim Boubacar Keita and rallies coordinated by Imam Mahmoud Dicko, a leading figure of Muslim opposition, a group of colonels from the Kati military base seized power and forced President Keita's resignation. Ignoring international calls for an immediate return to civilian rule, the leaders of the coup d'état underlined their determination to "put state politics on new foundations" before the next elections so as to reestablish law and order and put a stop to a general economic malaise brought about, in their account, by an increasingly corrupt civilian political elite under the previous presidencies of Alpha Oumar Konaré, Amadou Toumani Touré, and Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. Only nine months later, in May 2021, a transitional government put into place by the military leaders to signal their intention to return to civilian rule was terminated by another coup (the third one within a decade), when Colonel Assimi Goita, then vice president and leader of the 2020 military coup, arrested President Bah N'Daw and Moctar Ouane, the prime minister of the transitional government, and had himself installed as the head of state. The military leaders then retracted their promise to ensure a transition to civilian rule within the next eighteen months and hold presidential elections in February 2022—a move to which the country's long-standing allies in the Euro-American West responded by rallying other members of the West African bloc ECOWAS1 to impose economic and financial sanctions on Mali in January 2022. This special issue brings together studies that aim at historically grounded empirical investigations of political legitimacy in Mali.2 Many scholarly accounts and reports by foreign donor agencies have depicted the rising level of insecurity and political instability in Mali's different regions since the 2012 coup d'état as a sudden and somewhat surprising disruption of the country's role as a beacon of democratization in Africa (Bergamaschi 2007, 2014; Gavelle, Siméant, and Traoré 2013; Wing 2008, 2013). This special issue seeks to add analytical and empirical nuance to this view by [End Page 1] proposing a three-pronged intervention. First, we read the precarity and instability of present-day political institutions and procedural legitimacy as mirroring long-standing trends of asserting and contesting public authority. We thus seek to understand the instability that has shaped Malian politics since the toppling of President Touré in 2012 in light of the precarious legitimacy of political institutions and actors that has shaped political dynamics throughout Sahelian West Africa for decades. Second, in contrast to studies of the "Malian crisis" that center on either "the north," the "central region," or "the south" and Bamako, its political epicente
2020年8月18日,在针对日益不受欢迎的总统易卜拉欣·布巴卡尔·凯塔(Ibrahim Boubacar Keita)的民众骚乱和穆斯林反对派领袖伊玛目马哈茂德·迪科(Imam Mahmoud Dicko)协调的集会持续数月之后,一群来自卡蒂军事基地的上校夺取了权力,迫使总统凯塔辞职。政变领导人无视国际社会要求立即恢复文官统治的呼声,强调他们决心在下次选举前“将国家政治建立在新的基础上”,以便重建法律和秩序,并制止他们所说的由前总统阿尔法·奥马尔·科纳瓦尔、阿马杜·图马尼·图尔瓦尔和易卜拉希姆·布巴卡尔·凯塔领导下日益腐败的文官政治精英造成的普遍经济萎靡。仅仅9个月后,即2021年5月,军方领导人为表明他们有意回归文官统治而成立的过渡政府被另一场政变(十年内的第三次政变)终止,当时的副总统、2020年军事政变的领导人阿西米·戈伊塔上校逮捕了总统巴哈·恩道和过渡政府总理莫塔·瓦内,并自封为国家元首。军方领导人随后收回了他们的承诺,即确保在未来18个月内过渡到文官统治,并在2022年2月举行总统选举。对此,该国在欧美西方的长期盟友做出回应,召集西非国家经济共同体的其他成员国,于2022年1月对马里实施经济和金融制裁。这期特期汇集了针对马里政治合法性的历史实证调查的研究。2 .外国捐助机构的许多学术报告和报告都描述了自2012年的政变以来,马里不同地区的不安全和政治不稳定程度不断上升,这是对该国作为非洲民主化灯塔的角色的突然和有些令人惊讶的破坏(Bergamaschi 2007, 2014;Gavelle, simsamant, and traor 2013;Wing 2008, 2013)。本期特刊试图通过[End Page 1]提出三管齐下的干预措施,为这一观点增加分析和经验上的细微差别。首先,我们将当今政治制度和程序合法性的不稳定性和不稳定性解读为维护和挑战公共权威的长期趋势的反映。因此,鉴于几十年来影响整个西非萨赫勒地区政治动态的政治机构和行动者的合法性岌岌可危,我们试图理解自2012年图尔维尔总统被推翻以来影响马里政治的不稳定因素。其次,与以“北部”、“中部”为中心的“马里危机”研究不同,或“南方”及其政治中心巴马科,Souleymane Diallo、Dorothea Schulz和Andrew Hernández的贡献追溯了当代马里公共权威和合法性建构的不同区域轨迹,同时牢记更广泛的西非萨赫勒背景下不断变化的跨境证券化制度(Bencherif and Campana 2017;lache 2008;Scheele 2012),以及西方捐助者的议程转变在多大程度上改变了国家和地区层面的政治实践条件(Bergamaschi 2007;Mann 2006, 2015)。第三,与其将官方合法性结构视为源自连贯的精英政治(可能与“来自下层的政治”形成对比)(Bayart, Membe, and Comi, 1992),文章探讨了政治精英不同部分在这些过程中的作用,根据他们声称政治合法性的象征性注册区分了三种类型的行动者:首先是政治家,作为受过西方教育的知识分子(以“笔”为象征),他们的职位归功于宪政和民主程序;其次是军事领导人,他们的权力建立在他们用武力(“步枪”)维持秩序的能力和意愿之上;第三,也是最后一个,政治上有影响力的人物,他们通过引用伊斯兰教的规定作为公共秩序的最终基础(“念珠”)来宣称权威。通过研究不同政治精英阶层之间不断变化的关系,我们追随了对西非萨赫勒地区的历史和社会学研究的脚步。
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing African Knowledge: Autoethnography and African Epistemologies by Toyin Falola (review) 非殖民化的非洲知识:托因·法罗拉的民族志和非洲认识论
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africatoday.70.1.06
Reviewed by: Decolonizing African Knowledge: Autoethnography and African Epistemologies by Toyin Falola Bernard Nwosu Falola, Toyin. 2022. Decolonizing African Knowledge: Autoethnography and African Epistemologies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 536 pp. $39.99 (hardback), $39.99 (ebook). In this book, Toyin Falola challenges the search for African history exclusively in nonexistent or scanty alphabetic records. He draws attention to different forms of nonalphabetic text, such as sculptures, hairstyling, painting, cultural norms, and other such sources that provide copious historical records and insights. Outsiders who lack a connection with the symbolism of these texts and their cultural media end up with a limited understanding of Africa and its history. The book introduces a novel form of historical archive, which the author views as a broad knowledge-scape, encompassing experiences, material artifacts, cultural practices, and even insiders' narratives of their own cultural epistemologies. This archive, an embodiment of unconventional history, is a system for connecting culture, self, and dimensions of sociocultural existence. Drawing materials from it, Falola undertakes an intellectual freedom struggle against the dominant knowledge form, which disparages non-Western cultural standards by obscuring their presence in scholarly narratives. Falola designs a decolonial project and undertakes it with an autoethnographic method, drawing from his experiential encounters, from which his appreciation of the context of research enables him to extract deeper meanings to counter hegemonic projects of Eurocentric scholarship and assert the value of African epistemologies. Yoruba culture is his case study, but his account of it mirrors several sub-Saharan African contexts that share striking similarities. The book is divided into fourteen chapters. In the first two, Falola conceptualizes the novel archive as a sort of cultural "signage … [a] systemic collection of signs and referents" (2). These chapters present a justification for using an autoethnographic method. On the side of justification, autoethnography lends voice to subaltern cultures that have different codes of record and interpretations unknown to mainstream epistemology. Chapter 3 deals with narrative politics and cultural ideologies. In it, Falola contests that African histories are embedded in manifestations of orality, including proverbs, riddles, myths, and legends. It presents the concepts of time and memory tracing, the cultural norm of long discursive greetings, naming as a circumstantial practice, taboos, and superstition. It illuminates the practices of collectivism and cultural spirituality, especially [End Page 101] the Yoruba cosmic belief in the interdependence of the worlds of the living, the dead, and the spirit or unborn (64). The salient issues in chapter 4 include narratives of magic and myth and their comparison with miracles. Chapter 5 illuminates the importance of p
《非殖民化的非洲知识:民族志与非洲认识论》,托因·法罗拉,托因,2022。非殖民化非洲知识:民族志和非洲认识论。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,536页,精装本39.99美元,电子书39.99美元。在这本书中,托因·法罗拉挑战了只在不存在的或稀少的字母记录中寻找非洲历史的做法。他关注不同形式的非字母文本,如雕塑、发型、绘画、文化规范,以及其他提供丰富历史记录和见解的来源。那些与这些文本及其文化媒介的象征意义缺乏联系的局外人,最终对非洲及其历史的理解有限。这本书介绍了一种新的历史档案形式,作者将其视为一个广泛的知识领域,包括经验,物质文物,文化实践,甚至是内部人士对自己文化认识论的叙述。这个档案是一个非传统历史的体现,是一个连接文化、自我和社会文化存在维度的系统。从中汲取材料,法罗拉进行了一场与主流知识形式的思想自由斗争,这种知识形式通过模糊非西方文化标准在学术叙述中的存在而贬低了非西方文化标准。法罗拉设计了一个非殖民化的项目,并以一种自我民族志的方法进行,从他的经验遭遇中汲取,他对研究背景的欣赏使他能够提取更深层次的意义,以对抗欧洲中心学术的霸权项目,并断言非洲认识论的价值。约鲁巴文化是他研究的案例,但他对它的描述反映了撒哈拉以南非洲的几个背景,这些背景有着惊人的相似之处。这本书分为十四章。在前两章中,法罗拉将小说档案概念化为一种文化“标志……标志和指涉物的系统集合”(2)。这两章为使用自我民族志方法提供了理由。在证明方面,自我民族志为具有不同记录代码和主流认识论所未知的解释的次等文化提供了声音。第三章论述叙事政治与文化意识形态。在书中,法罗拉质疑非洲的历史根植于口头表达,包括谚语、谜语、神话和传说。它提出了时间和记忆追踪的概念,长话语问候的文化规范,命名作为一种环境实践,禁忌和迷信。它阐明了集体主义和文化灵性的实践,特别是约鲁巴人对生者、死者、精神或未出生世界相互依存的宇宙信仰(64)。第四章的主要问题包括魔法和神话的叙述以及它们与奇迹的比较。第五章阐述了诗歌作为文化叙事的一部分和积极的政治媒介的重要性,它承载着文化美德。第六章继续探讨诗歌在自我叙事中的作用及其作为社会整体一部分的发展。第七章讨论了文学通过揭示社会的善恶来维持文化和记录历史的作用。第8章论述了政治与叙事之间错综复杂的联系,并论证了对叙事的掌控是一种控制人们的工具,而对这些人来说,叙事定义了现实和意义。第九章开始揭示在约鲁巴视觉艺术中发现的非字母历史文本。文化是一种象征美学形式,艺术家反映社会背景,并将自己描绘成构成一个文化整体的实体。因此,约鲁巴雕塑家的作品是一个历史档案,工匠们在其中注入了他们获得的知识,他们国家的历史,以神话、道德、灵性、工艺、工业、性别角色分化和美感为形式。第10章继续探索编织在约鲁巴纺织品中的独特历史文本,其颜色、线、设计和印迹图像的使用是其制作过程、经济和历史的可理解标志(283)。这些纺织品,当用作服装时,表达了性别、社会政治地位和群体归属(298)。第11章介绍了约鲁巴艺术和文化的其他方面,特别是绘画,它在文化上受到限制,表达了人们的生活世界,精神和神秘主义。第12章讨论了约鲁巴人的头发艺术,这是一个重要的文本,从中可以看出持有者的年龄和社会类别。发型揭示已婚、未婚和知名人士(381)。作为条目…
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引用次数: 0
"When a Father Speaks, the Child Cannot Answer Back": Patriarchal Anxiety, Gender Equality, and Malian State Authority “当父亲说话时,孩子无法回应”:父权焦虑、性别平等和马里国家权力
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africatoday.70.1.04
Bruce Whitehouse
Abstract: In long intertwined constructions of political and household authority, the figure of the domestic patriarch has served as an analogy for the centralized postcolonial state of Mali, even as it clashes with discourses of natural rights stemming from the European Enlightenment. In early twentyfirst-century Mali, anxieties ran rampant among senior men who feared losing their status and privileges. These anxieties came to a head during efforts by the Malian government and civil-society groups to eliminate gender discrimination from Malian family law in the early 2000s. A broad coalition of patriarchal interests emerged to defend senior males' prerogatives against the perceived threats posed by gender equality. This backlash challenged the legitimacy of Mali's governing elite and exposed its weaknesses in the run-up to Mali's 2012 political collapse.
摘要:在政治和家庭权威长期交织的结构中,家庭族长的形象一直是马里中央集权的后殖民国家的类比,尽管它与源于欧洲启蒙运动的自然权利话语相冲突。在21世纪初的马里,焦虑情绪在担心失去地位和特权的高层男性中蔓延。21世纪初,在马里政府和民间社会团体努力消除马里家庭法中的性别歧视期间,这些焦虑达到了顶峰。一个广泛的父权利益联盟出现了,以捍卫高级男性的特权,使其免受性别平等所带来的威胁。这种反弹挑战了马里统治精英的合法性,并暴露了其在2012年马里政治崩溃之前的弱点。
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引用次数: 0
Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation by April Sizemore-Barber (review) 《棱镜表演:酷儿南非与彩虹之国的分裂》,作者:April Sizemore-Barber
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africatoday.70.1.09
Reviewed by: Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation by April Sizemore-Barber Susanna Sacks Sizemore-Barber, April, 2020. Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 194 pp. $75.00 (cloth), $34.95 (paper). April Sizemore-Barber's Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation asks what a theory of queer performance that puts Africa first might look like. The book opens at the 2012 Johannesburg Pride Parade, where members of the One in Nine Campaign staged the first die-in, protesting the corporatization of pride parades. The protesters risked their own bodies to challenge the image of the "rainbow nation." Their actions insisted that, seen through the right lens, pride could transform from a spectacle of consumption into a performance of solidarity against inhospitable political systems. The tension between performing for an audience and performing within a community grounds Sizemore-Barber's analytic stance: Where a prism deconstructs light into its many-hued parts, creating a flattened image of a rainbow (nation), a prismatic performance reflects and refracts the emotional investments projected onto it by varied audiences. What remains is not a clearly defined spectrum, but an often messy and ambiguous assemblage of conflicting viewpoints that forces both audience members and performers to encounter their own most deeply held beliefs and desires anew. (7) While the prism recalls Wendy Griswold's (1986) classic "cultural diamond" model of sociological processes of meaning-making, Sizemore-Barber's model brings us into the very moment of performance. Through detailed close readings of individual moments of performance, the book illuminates how individual artists work with and against audience expectations to challenge and expand the place of queerness in contemporary South Africa. Prismatic Performances unfolds across four chapters, analyzing drag performances, media campaigns, choreography, photography, and digital fan forums. Its topical breadth is complemented by an expansive methodology, which moves smoothly among critical theory, formal analysis, [End Page 108] ethnographic interviews, and historiographic interventions. The first chapter compares two white drag queens' conflicting approaches to the postapartheid moment: Pieter-Dirk Uys, who performs an outmoded white Afrikaans femininity to incite conversations about past injustices, and Steven Cohen, whose shocking performances intrude into daily life to insist that violence continues to violate the country's social order. The prism reveals the contextually situated meaning of each performance: tracking Uys's performance from stage to screen, and Cohen's from township to biennale, enables Sizemore-Barber to "chart the different performative tactics used by each to re-envision whiteness and Africanness through the prism of drag" (2
《棱镜表演:酷儿南非和彩虹之国的分裂》,作者:April Sizemore-Barber Susanna Sacks Sizemore-Barber, 2020年4月棱镜表演:酷儿南非和彩虹之国的破裂。安娜堡:密歇根大学出版社,194页,75美元(布),34.95美元(纸)。April Sizemore-Barber的《棱镜表演:酷儿南非和彩虹之国的分裂》探讨了将非洲放在首位的酷儿表演理论是什么样子的。这本书以2012年的约翰内斯堡同志大游行为开端,在那里,“九分之一运动”(One in Nine Campaign)的成员举行了第一次“死在”,抗议同志大游行的公司化。抗议者冒着生命危险挑战“彩虹之国”的形象。他们的行为表明,从正确的角度来看,骄傲可以从一种消费现象转变为团结一致反对不友好的政治制度的表现。为观众表演和在社区内表演之间的紧张关系是Sizemore-Barber分析立场的基础:棱镜将光分解成许多色调的部分,创造出彩虹(国家)的扁平形象,棱镜的表演反映和折射了不同观众投射到它上面的情感投资。剩下的不是一个明确定义的范围,而是一个经常混乱和模糊的相互冲突的观点的集合,迫使观众和表演者重新面对自己最根深蒂固的信仰和欲望。(7)虽然棱镜让人想起了温迪·格里斯沃尔德(1986)关于意义生成的社会学过程的经典“文化钻石”模型,但西兹莫尔-巴伯的模型却把我们带入了表演的瞬间。通过对个人表演时刻的细致阅读,这本书阐明了艺术家如何与观众的期望合作,如何与观众的期望背道而驰,以挑战和扩大当代南非的酷儿地位。棱镜表演展开四个章节,分析变装表演,媒体活动,编排,摄影和数字粉丝论坛。它的主题广度是由一个广阔的方法论补充的,它在批判理论、形式分析、民族志访谈和历史干预之间流畅地移动。第一章比较了两位白人变装皇后在后种族隔离时代的冲突方式:彼得-德克·韦斯(Pieter-Dirk Uys)表演一种过时的南非荷兰白人女性形象,以激发人们对过去不公正的讨论;史蒂文·科恩(Steven Cohen)则以令人震惊的表演侵入日常生活,坚称暴力仍在违反该国的社会秩序。棱镜揭示了每一场表演的语境定位意义:追踪Uys从舞台到银幕的表演,以及Cohen从乡镇到双年展的表演,使Sizemore-Barber能够“通过拖拽的棱镜重新设想白人和非洲性所使用的不同表演策略”(27)。第二章从拖拉的荒诞主义转到酷儿生活的日常谈判。Sizemore-Barber通过采访约翰内斯堡的女同性恋活动团体“被选中的少数人”(Chosen FEW)的成员,探讨了她们的“自我表演”如何挑战那些将酷儿生活框框在传统非洲文化范围之外的流行叙事。本章将欧文·高夫曼对身份表演的理解与对表演语境的敏感性结合起来,分析语境依赖的自我建构。用Sizemore-Barber的话来说,被选的少数人“生活在假设中”:“在南非这样一个矛盾的情况下,”Sizemore-Barber总结道,“民主公民身份并不意味着获得文化公民身份。”……在这种情况下,虚拟生活是他们实践宪法权利的一种方式”(51)。对于被选中的少数人来说,棱镜需要谨慎的自我展示,以保持安全,同时投射他们想要的形象。最后两章直接面对这种紧张关系:首先,通过对两件艺术作品的视觉分析,这两件艺术作品直面针对黑人女同性恋经历的暴力和抹去;其次,通过网络志,或数字协调的民族志分析,一个粉丝论坛直面南非同性恋权利的问题。通过强调媒介,视觉或数字,这些章节说明了棱镜方法如何深化对表演环境之外的观众参与的分析。在第三章中,Zanele Muholi的肖像和视觉艺术与Mamela Nyamza的行为作品I Stand Corrected进行了对话,以“探索(co)在场、缺席和运动的问题”(87)。通过他们的工作,Sizemore-Barber展示了……
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引用次数: 0
Animality and Colonial Subjecthood in Africa: The Human and Nonhuman Creatures of Nigeria by Saheed Aderinto (review) 《非洲的兽性与殖民主体性:尼日利亚的人类与非人类生物》作者:萨希德·阿德托
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/at.2023.a905853
Reviewed by: Animality and Colonial Subjecthood in Africa: The Human and Nonhuman Creatures of Nigeria by Saheed Aderinto Odinaka Kingsley Eze Aderinto, Saheed. 2022. Animality and Colonial Subjecthood in Africa: The Human and Nonhuman Creatures of Nigeria. New African Histories. Athens: Ohio University Press. 261 pp. $80.00 (hardcover), $36.95 (paperback). Since the 1990s, African historians have been encouraged to investigate the complexities of the colonial past, the intricacies of its operation and imagination, and the interplay of power beyond the locale in a more extensive manner, one that would demonstrate the connectivity of Africa's past with global history while writing for African audiences. Saheed Aderinto's Animality and Colonial Subjecthood in Africa not only answers this call, but charts innovative and groundbreaking terrain in African historiography. In only a few books on African history will readers find interactions between humans and animals, involving symbolism, representation, and embedded characterization of animal personae in historical narratives, as Aderinto has done—which compels us to rethink and reimagine what we know about history, how we interpret it, why we choose a particular narrative over another, and the implications of what we decide to write about in the present. Indeed, Aderinto's prescient inclination makes this book capable of stimulating other scholars to undertake further research in this field. Moreover, writing a history that includes animals not only assigns agency to them, but lifts them from their position as objects to subjects, whose place is not "at the nibbling edge" in the footnotes of African historical texts, conferences, and journals (5). Aderinto boldly seeks to challenge the conceptualization of history as a discipline that has concentrated on the human past, sidelining animals despite ubiquitous relationships forged between them and humans since time immemorial. Therefore, Aderinto insists that "we may not truly comprehend the extent of imperial domination until we bring animals into our understanding of colonialism" (3). He uses animals to portray familiar themes in African historiographies, such as colonial modernity and civilization, ideology and subjecthood, ethnicity, violence, resistance and hegemony, and colonial power and nationalism. For instance, discussing dogs, he contends that dogs owned by British colonial administrators enjoyed more privileges than their counterparts that belonged to Africans. [End Page 103] Similarly, Aderinto weaves donkeys, cattle, and horses into the tapestry of the colonial political economy. Donkeys and horses were significant for transportation—which made them accomplices in colonial conquest and consolidation, utilized by the British colonial power to exploit Nigeria's resources. Donkeys conveyed mineral resources and agricultural products, but horses were the most reliable means of moving across unmotorable topographies and a spectacle of imperial
《非洲的动物和殖民主体:尼日利亚的人类和非人类生物》,作者:萨希德·阿德托,奥迪娜卡·金斯利。非洲的动物和殖民主体:尼日利亚的人类和非人类生物。《新非洲史》雅典:俄亥俄大学出版社,261页,精装版80.00美元,平装版36.95美元。自20世纪90年代以来,非洲历史学家被鼓励以更广泛的方式调查殖民历史的复杂性,其运作和想象的复杂性,以及超越区域的权力相互作用,这种方式将在为非洲读者写作的同时展示非洲过去与全球历史的联系。Saheed Aderinto的《非洲的动物性和殖民主体性》不仅回应了这一呼吁,而且在非洲史学中描绘了创新和开创性的领域。在少数几本关于非洲历史的书中,读者会发现人类与动物之间的互动,包括象征主义、代表性,以及在历史叙事中嵌入的动物人物特征,就像阿德托所做的那样——这迫使我们重新思考和重新想象我们对历史的了解,我们如何解释它,为什么我们选择一种特定的叙述而不是另一种叙述,以及我们决定在当前写作的内容的含义。的确,Aderinto的先见之明使得这本书能够激励其他学者在这一领域进行进一步的研究。此外,写一部包括动物在内的历史不仅赋予了它们代理的权力,而且将它们从客体的位置提升到主体的位置,在非洲历史文本、会议和期刊的脚注中,主体的位置不是“在小边缘”(5)。adderinto大胆地试图挑战历史的概念化,即历史是一门学科,专注于人类的过去,忽视了动物,尽管自古以来它们与人类之间就建立了无处不在的关系。因此,Aderinto坚持认为“只有将动物纳入我们对殖民主义的理解,我们才能真正理解帝国统治的程度”(3)。他用动物来描绘非洲史学中常见的主题,如殖民的现代性与文明、意识形态与主体性、种族、暴力、抵抗与霸权、殖民权力与民族主义。例如,在讨论狗时,他认为英国殖民统治者拥有的狗比非洲人拥有的狗享有更多的特权。同样地,Aderinto把驴、牛和马编织到殖民地政治经济的织锦中。驴和马在运输上很重要,这使它们成为殖民征服和巩固的帮凶,被英国殖民势力用来开发尼日利亚的资源。驴子运送矿产资源和农产品,但马是穿越不可移动的地形和帝国统治奇观的最可靠手段。当这些动物帮助英国殖民者实现他们的日常管理时,Aderinto调查了它们在殖民现代性中的作用。比如一头驴应该驮多少吨的东西;马厩的建造、照料和运输方式;屠宰供消费的牛以确保其符合公共卫生标准的方法;控制流浪狗;在尼日利亚东南部打击杀马仪式;以及在人造环境中对野生动物的限制,都是Aderinto观察到的点缀在殖民时期人与动物关系中的现代性元素。在两个同样矛盾但又互补的部分中,Aderinto使用不同的动物来定位建筑环境、兽医和人类医学、福利、现代主义和民族主义的交汇点。在第一章中,他介绍了尼日利亚殖民时期肉类消费的历史,以及牛肉如何成为“20世纪尼日利亚蛋白质的主要来源”(36)。在第二章中,他研究了驴和马等动物“作为战士、工作动物、骄傲和权力的象征以及运动员”所扮演的角色(65)。然而,当牛肉成为一种蛋白质主食,马和驴成为殖民地经济中引人注目的动物时,Aderinto强调各种殖民福利政策如何试图控制这些动物的消费和管理,无论是作为驮马,运动员还是肉类(第11章),使这种叙述变得复杂。7 - 8)。此外,第3章的特点是“尼日利亚殖民地的狗的社会历史”(93),第5章强调狂犬病的病理,它的可怕,以及在殖民地的影响……
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing African Knowledge: Autoethnography and African Epistemologies by Toyin Falola (review) 非殖民化的非洲知识:托因·法罗拉的民族志和非洲认识论
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/at.2023.a905852
Reviewed by: Decolonizing African Knowledge: Autoethnography and African Epistemologies by Toyin Falola Bernard Nwosu Falola, Toyin. 2022. Decolonizing African Knowledge: Autoethnography and African Epistemologies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 536 pp. $39.99 (hardback), $39.99 (ebook). In this book, Toyin Falola challenges the search for African history exclusively in nonexistent or scanty alphabetic records. He draws attention to different forms of nonalphabetic text, such as sculptures, hairstyling, painting, cultural norms, and other such sources that provide copious historical records and insights. Outsiders who lack a connection with the symbolism of these texts and their cultural media end up with a limited understanding of Africa and its history. The book introduces a novel form of historical archive, which the author views as a broad knowledge-scape, encompassing experiences, material artifacts, cultural practices, and even insiders' narratives of their own cultural epistemologies. This archive, an embodiment of unconventional history, is a system for connecting culture, self, and dimensions of sociocultural existence. Drawing materials from it, Falola undertakes an intellectual freedom struggle against the dominant knowledge form, which disparages non-Western cultural standards by obscuring their presence in scholarly narratives. Falola designs a decolonial project and undertakes it with an autoethnographic method, drawing from his experiential encounters, from which his appreciation of the context of research enables him to extract deeper meanings to counter hegemonic projects of Eurocentric scholarship and assert the value of African epistemologies. Yoruba culture is his case study, but his account of it mirrors several sub-Saharan African contexts that share striking similarities. The book is divided into fourteen chapters. In the first two, Falola conceptualizes the novel archive as a sort of cultural "signage … [a] systemic collection of signs and referents" (2). These chapters present a justification for using an autoethnographic method. On the side of justification, autoethnography lends voice to subaltern cultures that have different codes of record and interpretations unknown to mainstream epistemology. Chapter 3 deals with narrative politics and cultural ideologies. In it, Falola contests that African histories are embedded in manifestations of orality, including proverbs, riddles, myths, and legends. It presents the concepts of time and memory tracing, the cultural norm of long discursive greetings, naming as a circumstantial practice, taboos, and superstition. It illuminates the practices of collectivism and cultural spirituality, especially [End Page 101] the Yoruba cosmic belief in the interdependence of the worlds of the living, the dead, and the spirit or unborn (64). The salient issues in chapter 4 include narratives of magic and myth and their comparison with miracles. Chapter 5 illuminates the importance of p
《非殖民化的非洲知识:民族志与非洲认识论》,托因·法罗拉,托因,2022。非殖民化非洲知识:民族志和非洲认识论。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,536页,精装本39.99美元,电子书39.99美元。在这本书中,托因·法罗拉挑战了只在不存在的或稀少的字母记录中寻找非洲历史的做法。他关注不同形式的非字母文本,如雕塑、发型、绘画、文化规范,以及其他提供丰富历史记录和见解的来源。那些与这些文本及其文化媒介的象征意义缺乏联系的局外人,最终对非洲及其历史的理解有限。这本书介绍了一种新的历史档案形式,作者将其视为一个广泛的知识领域,包括经验,物质文物,文化实践,甚至是内部人士对自己文化认识论的叙述。这个档案是一个非传统历史的体现,是一个连接文化、自我和社会文化存在维度的系统。从中汲取材料,法罗拉进行了一场与主流知识形式的思想自由斗争,这种知识形式通过模糊非西方文化标准在学术叙述中的存在而贬低了非西方文化标准。法罗拉设计了一个非殖民化的项目,并以一种自我民族志的方法进行,从他的经验遭遇中汲取,他对研究背景的欣赏使他能够提取更深层次的意义,以对抗欧洲中心学术的霸权项目,并断言非洲认识论的价值。约鲁巴文化是他的研究案例,但他对它的描述反映了撒哈拉以南非洲的几个背景,这些背景有着惊人的相似之处。这本书分为十四章。在前两章中,Falola将小说档案概念化为一种文化“标志……标志和指涉物的系统集合”(2)。这两章为使用自我民族志方法提供了理由。在辩护方面,自我民族志为具有不同记录代码和主流认识论所未知的解释的次等文化提供了声音。第三章论述叙事政治与文化意识形态。在书中,法罗拉质疑非洲的历史根植于口头表达,包括谚语、谜语、神话和传说。它提出了时间和记忆追踪的概念,长话语问候的文化规范,命名作为一种环境实践,禁忌和迷信。它阐明了集体主义和文化灵性的实践,特别是约鲁巴人对生者、死者、精神或未出生世界相互依存的宇宙信仰(64)。第四章的主要问题包括魔法和神话的叙述以及它们与奇迹的比较。第五章阐述了诗歌作为文化叙事的一部分和积极的政治媒介的重要性,它承载着文化美德。第六章继续探讨诗歌在自我叙事中的作用及其作为社会整体一部分的发展。第七章讨论了文学通过揭示社会的善恶来维持文化和记录历史的作用。第8章论述了政治与叙事之间错综复杂的联系,并论证了对叙事的掌控是一种控制人们的工具,而对这些人来说,叙事定义了现实和意义。第九章开始揭示在约鲁巴视觉艺术中发现的非字母历史文本。文化是一种象征美学形式,艺术家反映社会背景,并将自己描绘成构成一个文化整体的实体。因此,约鲁巴雕塑家的作品是一个历史档案,其中工匠们注入了他们获得的知识,他们国家的历史,以神话,道德,精神,工艺,工业,性别角色分化和美感为形式。第10章继续探索编织在约鲁巴纺织品上的独特历史文本,其颜色、线、图案和印迹图像的使用是其制作过程、经济和历史的可理解标志(283)。这些纺织品,当用作服装时,表达了性别、社会政治地位和群体归属(298)。第11章介绍了约鲁巴艺术和文化的其他方面,特别是绘画,它在文化上受到限制,表达了人们的生活世界,精神和神秘主义。第12章讨论了约鲁巴人的头发艺术,这是一个重要的文本,从中可以看出持有者的年龄和社会类别。发型揭示已婚、未婚和知名人士(381)。作为条目…
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引用次数: 0
From Militia to Army: Ganda Koy's Struggle for Political Legitimacy in Mali 从民兵到军队:甘达·科伊在马里争取政治合法性的斗争
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africatoday.70.1.03
Andrew Hernández
Abstract: In response to the occupation of northern Mali in 2012, Ganda Koy, a primarily Songhay militia, has attempted to increase its political legitimacy within and beyond Mali, in part through more formalized integration within the Malian army. To justify such integration, many of its leaders have highlighted its combat and surveillance prowess while portraying it as supportive of a racially and ethnically unified Mali, thereby contrasting it with more Tuareg- or Arabseparatist militias based in the Sahara Desert. It has presented itself as a grassroots organization; however, many in its ranks publicly argue for a more Songhay- and Blacknationalist approach to Malian politics. While such an attitude might privately resonate among much of the political elite in Bamako, it contrasts with Mali's postcolonial myth as a harmonious ethnic melting pot and serves to undermine Ganda Koy's integration in more formal state institutions.
摘要:作为对2012年马里北部被占领的回应,主要由桑海(Songhay)民兵组成的甘达科伊(Ganda Koy)试图通过与马里军队更正式的融合来提高其在马里境内外的政治合法性。为了证明这种整合是合理的,它的许多领导人强调了它的战斗和监视能力,同时把它描绘成支持种族和民族统一的马里,从而将它与驻扎在撒哈拉沙漠的图阿雷格或阿拉伯分离主义民兵组织形成对比。它把自己描绘成一个草根组织;然而,其队伍中的许多人公开主张对马里政治采取更多的松海和黑民族主义方法。虽然这种态度可能会在巴马科的许多政治精英中私下产生共鸣,但它与马里作为一个和谐的民族大熔炉的后殖民神话形成鲜明对比,并有助于破坏甘达科伊在更正式的国家机构中的整合。
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引用次数: 0
Fragments of Legitimacy: Symbolic Constructions of Political Leadership in Twenty-First-Century Mali 合法性的碎片:21世纪马里政治领导的象征性建构
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/at.2023.a905848
Souleymane Diallo, Dorothea E. Schulz
Abstract: This article examines official constructions of political legitimacy since the introduction of multiparty democracy in Mali and asks how some segments of the population have responded to them. We argue that these constructions evolved in the context of three symbolic repertoires, symbolized by the rifle, the ballpoint pen, and prayer beads. In this process, politicians have mobilized repertoires in selective and changing ways, subject to continuous reformulation, bricolage, and rearticulation. We end with the proposition that the result of these constructions, a cross of the pen and the rifle repertoires favored by the military regime of Colonel Assimi Goita, high-lights the popularity of the imagery of military strongmanship in Mali—and in sub-Saharan Africa more widely.
摘要:本文考察了自马里引入多党民主以来官方对政治合法性的建构,并询问了一些人群对此的反应。我们认为,这些结构是在三种象征曲目的背景下演变而来的,以步枪、圆珠笔和念珠为象征。在这一过程中,政治家们以选择性和不断变化的方式动员了剧目,并不断地重新制定、拼凑和重新衔接。我们最后提出,这些建筑的结果是,阿西米·戈伊塔上校的军事政权所青睐的笔架和步枪,突出了军事强人形象在马里和撒哈拉以南非洲更广泛的流行。
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引用次数: 0
Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation by April Sizemore-Barber (review) 《棱镜表演:酷儿南非与彩虹之国的分裂》,作者:April Sizemore-Barber
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/at.2023.a905855
Reviewed by: Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation by April Sizemore-Barber Susanna Sacks Sizemore-Barber, April, 2020. Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 194 pp. $75.00 (cloth), $34.95 (paper). April Sizemore-Barber's Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fracturing of the Rainbow Nation asks what a theory of queer performance that puts Africa first might look like. The book opens at the 2012 Johannesburg Pride Parade, where members of the One in Nine Campaign staged the first die-in, protesting the corporatization of pride parades. The protesters risked their own bodies to challenge the image of the "rainbow nation." Their actions insisted that, seen through the right lens, pride could transform from a spectacle of consumption into a performance of solidarity against inhospitable political systems. The tension between performing for an audience and performing within a community grounds Sizemore-Barber's analytic stance: Where a prism deconstructs light into its many-hued parts, creating a flattened image of a rainbow (nation), a prismatic performance reflects and refracts the emotional investments projected onto it by varied audiences. What remains is not a clearly defined spectrum, but an often messy and ambiguous assemblage of conflicting viewpoints that forces both audience members and performers to encounter their own most deeply held beliefs and desires anew. (7) While the prism recalls Wendy Griswold's (1986) classic "cultural diamond" model of sociological processes of meaning-making, Sizemore-Barber's model brings us into the very moment of performance. Through detailed close readings of individual moments of performance, the book illuminates how individual artists work with and against audience expectations to challenge and expand the place of queerness in contemporary South Africa. Prismatic Performances unfolds across four chapters, analyzing drag performances, media campaigns, choreography, photography, and digital fan forums. Its topical breadth is complemented by an expansive methodology, which moves smoothly among critical theory, formal analysis, [End Page 108] ethnographic interviews, and historiographic interventions. The first chapter compares two white drag queens' conflicting approaches to the postapartheid moment: Pieter-Dirk Uys, who performs an outmoded white Afrikaans femininity to incite conversations about past injustices, and Steven Cohen, whose shocking performances intrude into daily life to insist that violence continues to violate the country's social order. The prism reveals the contextually situated meaning of each performance: tracking Uys's performance from stage to screen, and Cohen's from township to biennale, enables Sizemore-Barber to "chart the different performative tactics used by each to re-envision whiteness and Africanness through the prism of drag" (2
《棱镜表演:酷儿南非和彩虹之国的分裂》,作者:April Sizemore-Barber Susanna Sacks Sizemore-Barber, 2020年4月棱镜表演:酷儿南非和彩虹之国的破裂。安娜堡:密歇根大学出版社,194页,75美元(布),34.95美元(纸)。April Sizemore-Barber的《棱镜表演:酷儿南非和彩虹之国的分裂》探讨了将非洲放在首位的酷儿表演理论是什么样子的。这本书以2012年的约翰内斯堡同志大游行为开端,在那里,“九分之一运动”(One in Nine Campaign)的成员举行了第一次“死在”,抗议同志大游行的公司化。抗议者冒着生命危险挑战“彩虹之国”的形象。他们的行为表明,从正确的角度来看,骄傲可以从一种消费现象转变为团结一致反对不友好的政治制度的表现。为观众表演和在社区内表演之间的紧张关系是Sizemore-Barber分析立场的基础:棱镜将光分解成许多色调的部分,创造出彩虹(国家)的扁平形象,棱镜的表演反映和折射了不同观众投射到它上面的情感投资。剩下的不是一个明确定义的范围,而是一个经常混乱和模糊的相互冲突的观点的集合,迫使观众和表演者重新面对自己最根深蒂固的信仰和欲望。(7)虽然棱镜让人想起了温迪·格里斯沃尔德(1986)关于意义生成的社会学过程的经典“文化钻石”模型,但西兹莫尔-巴伯的模型却把我们带入了表演的瞬间。通过对个人表演时刻的细致阅读,这本书阐明了艺术家如何与观众的期望合作,如何与观众的期望背道而驰,以挑战和扩大当代南非的酷儿地位。棱镜表演展开四个章节,分析变装表演,媒体活动,编排,摄影和数字粉丝论坛。它的主题广度是由一个广阔的方法论补充的,它在批判理论、形式分析、民族志访谈和历史干预之间流畅地移动。第一章比较了两位白人变装皇后在后种族隔离时代的冲突方式:彼得-德克·韦斯(Pieter-Dirk Uys)表演一种过时的南非荷兰白人女性形象,以激发人们对过去不公正的讨论;史蒂文·科恩(Steven Cohen)则以令人震惊的表演侵入日常生活,坚称暴力仍在违反该国的社会秩序。棱镜揭示了每一场表演的语境定位意义:追踪Uys从舞台到银幕的表演,以及Cohen从乡镇到双年展的表演,使Sizemore-Barber能够“通过拖拽的棱镜重新设想白人和非洲性所使用的不同表演策略”(27)。第二章从拖拉的荒诞主义转到酷儿生活的日常谈判。Sizemore-Barber通过采访约翰内斯堡的女同性恋活动团体“被选中的少数人”(Chosen FEW)的成员,探讨了她们的“自我表演”如何挑战那些将酷儿生活框框在传统非洲文化范围之外的流行叙事。本章将欧文·高夫曼对身份表演的理解与对表演语境的敏感性结合起来,分析语境依赖的自我建构。用Sizemore-Barber的话来说,被选的少数人“生活在假设中”:“在南非这样一个矛盾的情况下,”Sizemore-Barber总结道,“民主公民身份并不意味着获得文化公民身份。”……在这种情况下,虚拟生活是他们实践宪法权利的一种方式”(51)。对于被选中的少数人来说,棱镜需要谨慎的自我展示,以保持安全,同时投射他们想要的形象。最后两章直接面对这种紧张关系:首先,通过对两件艺术作品的视觉分析,这两件艺术作品直面针对黑人女同性恋经历的暴力和抹去;其次,通过网络志,或数字协调的民族志分析,一个粉丝论坛直面南非同性恋权利的问题。通过强调媒介,视觉或数字,这些章节说明了棱镜方法如何深化对表演环境之外的观众参与的分析。在第三章中,Zanele Muholi的肖像和视觉艺术与Mamela Nyamza的行为作品I Stand Corrected进行了对话,以“探索(co)在场、缺席和运动的问题”(87)。通过他们的工作,Sizemore-Barber展示了……
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Africa Today
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