{"title":"The United States: A Comprehensive Strategy with Challenges Ahead","authors":"Jeffrey W. Hornung","doi":"10.1353/asp.2023.a903859","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The United States:A Comprehensive Strategy with Challenges Ahead Jeffrey W. Hornung (bio) The importance of the Indo-Pacific region to the United States stretches back to the founding of the American republic. For over two centuries, political, diplomatic, commercial, and people-to-people ties with Asian countries have helped the United States build the country. World War II demonstrated that conflict and instability in the Indo-Pacific region can have a direct impact on the United States. The war, as well as subsequent others, reinforced the United States' security interests in the region, which have since been strengthened through decades of treaty alliances with key regional actors. In February 2022, the Biden administration released its Indo-Pacific Strategy, which advocates freedom and openness through regional connectivity, trade, investment, and deeper bilateral and multilateral partnerships. In this strategy, the Biden administration follows in the footsteps of its predecessors. The Obama administration, though, was the first to declare a U.S. pivot—later rebranded a \"rebalance\"—to Asia, which followed the Bush administration's push for greater cooperation with Japan and India and closer engagement with China. In 2019, the Trump administration issued its \"free and open Indo-Pacific\" strategy.1 It is with this last effort that President Joe Biden's strategy shows the greatest continuity. Not only does Biden's strategy maintain the focus on a free and open Indo-Pacific—a concept directly adopted from Japanese policy—but the core tenants of the strategy essentially remain the same as Donald Trump's strategy. Despite their varied approaches to the Indo-Pacific, these Republican and Democrat administrations maintain a shared consistency in their understanding of the region's relative importance, one that places an emphasis on allies and partners and—particularly since Obama—advocates the goal of keeping the region free from coercion and [End Page 7] open to trade, investment, and ideas.2 Collectively, this suggests that, despite centuries of engagement with the region, U.S. strategy toward the Indo-Pacific has been formalizing over the past twenty years, with the Biden administration's policy being the most recent iteration. This essay seeks to assess Biden's Indo-Pacific Strategy by examining what it is and where potential challenges in its implementation lie. What Is the United States' Indo-Pacific Strategy? Despite President Biden's critique of the Trump administration's approach to the Indo-Pacific, both Biden and Trump pursued strategies that were more similar than different. The strategy contains five key objectives that the United States intends to pursue with its allies, partners, and regional institutions. These objectives are (1) advance a free and open Indo-Pacific, (2) build connections within and beyond the region, (3) drive regional prosperity, (4) bolster Indo-Pacific security, and (5) build regional resilience to transnational threats. To achieve each of these objectives, the strategy identifies the following tasks: • Advance a free and open Indo-Pacific:3 ∘ Invest in democratic institutions, a free press, and a vibrant civil society. ∘ Improve fiscal transparency. ∘ Ensure the region's seas and skies are governed and used according to international law. ∘ Advance common approaches to critical and emerging technologies, the internet, and cyberspace. • Build connections within and beyond the region:4 ∘ Deepen regional treaty alliances. ∘ Strengthen relationships with regional partners (with specific mention of India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mongolia, New Zealand, the Pacific Islands, Singapore, Taiwan, and Vietnam). [End Page 8] ∘ Strengthen the Quad (i.e., the security dialogue grouping of Australia, India, Japan, and the United States). ∘ Deepen cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (with specific mention of ASEAN centrality). ∘ Partner with the Pacific Islands and prioritize negotiations with the Compacts of Free Association (COFAs).5 ∘ Expand U.S. diplomatic presence (with specific mention of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands). ∘ Forge connections between the Indo-Pacific and the Euro-Atlantic. • Drive regional prosperity:6 ∘ Propose an Indo-Pacific economic framework (with mention of new approaches to trade, governance of digital economies and data flows, and supply chains). ∘ Promote free, fair, and open trade and investment through the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) grouping. ∘ Close the region's infrastructure gap through the Build Back Better World partnership with G-7 members. • Bolster...","PeriodicalId":53442,"journal":{"name":"Asia Policy","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Asia Policy","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/asp.2023.a903859","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
The United States:A Comprehensive Strategy with Challenges Ahead Jeffrey W. Hornung (bio) The importance of the Indo-Pacific region to the United States stretches back to the founding of the American republic. For over two centuries, political, diplomatic, commercial, and people-to-people ties with Asian countries have helped the United States build the country. World War II demonstrated that conflict and instability in the Indo-Pacific region can have a direct impact on the United States. The war, as well as subsequent others, reinforced the United States' security interests in the region, which have since been strengthened through decades of treaty alliances with key regional actors. In February 2022, the Biden administration released its Indo-Pacific Strategy, which advocates freedom and openness through regional connectivity, trade, investment, and deeper bilateral and multilateral partnerships. In this strategy, the Biden administration follows in the footsteps of its predecessors. The Obama administration, though, was the first to declare a U.S. pivot—later rebranded a "rebalance"—to Asia, which followed the Bush administration's push for greater cooperation with Japan and India and closer engagement with China. In 2019, the Trump administration issued its "free and open Indo-Pacific" strategy.1 It is with this last effort that President Joe Biden's strategy shows the greatest continuity. Not only does Biden's strategy maintain the focus on a free and open Indo-Pacific—a concept directly adopted from Japanese policy—but the core tenants of the strategy essentially remain the same as Donald Trump's strategy. Despite their varied approaches to the Indo-Pacific, these Republican and Democrat administrations maintain a shared consistency in their understanding of the region's relative importance, one that places an emphasis on allies and partners and—particularly since Obama—advocates the goal of keeping the region free from coercion and [End Page 7] open to trade, investment, and ideas.2 Collectively, this suggests that, despite centuries of engagement with the region, U.S. strategy toward the Indo-Pacific has been formalizing over the past twenty years, with the Biden administration's policy being the most recent iteration. This essay seeks to assess Biden's Indo-Pacific Strategy by examining what it is and where potential challenges in its implementation lie. What Is the United States' Indo-Pacific Strategy? Despite President Biden's critique of the Trump administration's approach to the Indo-Pacific, both Biden and Trump pursued strategies that were more similar than different. The strategy contains five key objectives that the United States intends to pursue with its allies, partners, and regional institutions. These objectives are (1) advance a free and open Indo-Pacific, (2) build connections within and beyond the region, (3) drive regional prosperity, (4) bolster Indo-Pacific security, and (5) build regional resilience to transnational threats. To achieve each of these objectives, the strategy identifies the following tasks: • Advance a free and open Indo-Pacific:3 ∘ Invest in democratic institutions, a free press, and a vibrant civil society. ∘ Improve fiscal transparency. ∘ Ensure the region's seas and skies are governed and used according to international law. ∘ Advance common approaches to critical and emerging technologies, the internet, and cyberspace. • Build connections within and beyond the region:4 ∘ Deepen regional treaty alliances. ∘ Strengthen relationships with regional partners (with specific mention of India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mongolia, New Zealand, the Pacific Islands, Singapore, Taiwan, and Vietnam). [End Page 8] ∘ Strengthen the Quad (i.e., the security dialogue grouping of Australia, India, Japan, and the United States). ∘ Deepen cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (with specific mention of ASEAN centrality). ∘ Partner with the Pacific Islands and prioritize negotiations with the Compacts of Free Association (COFAs).5 ∘ Expand U.S. diplomatic presence (with specific mention of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands). ∘ Forge connections between the Indo-Pacific and the Euro-Atlantic. • Drive regional prosperity:6 ∘ Propose an Indo-Pacific economic framework (with mention of new approaches to trade, governance of digital economies and data flows, and supply chains). ∘ Promote free, fair, and open trade and investment through the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) grouping. ∘ Close the region's infrastructure gap through the Build Back Better World partnership with G-7 members. • Bolster...
美国:面临挑战的全面战略杰弗里·w·霍农(Jeffrey W. Hornung)(生物)印度-太平洋地区对美国的重要性可以追溯到美利坚共和国的建立。两个多世纪以来,与亚洲国家的政治、外交、商业和民间联系帮助美国建设了这个国家。第二次世界大战表明,印太地区的冲突和不稳定可能对美国产生直接影响。这场战争,以及随后的其他战争,加强了美国在该地区的安全利益,此后,通过与该地区主要国家几十年的条约联盟,美国的安全利益得到了加强。2022年2月,拜登政府发布了《印度-太平洋战略》,主张通过地区互联互通、贸易、投资以及深化双边和多边伙伴关系实现自由和开放。在这一战略中,拜登政府追随了前任政府的脚步。然而,奥巴马政府是第一个宣布美国将重心转向亚洲的政府——后来更名为“再平衡”战略——紧随布什政府推动与日本和印度加强合作,并与中国加强接触。2019年,特朗普政府发布了“自由开放的印太战略”乔·拜登(Joe Biden)总统的战略正是在这最后一项努力中显示出最大的连续性。拜登的战略不仅保持了对自由开放的印太地区的关注——这一概念直接来自日本的政策——而且该战略的核心租户本质上与唐纳德·特朗普的战略保持一致。尽管共和党和民主党政府对印太地区的态度各不相同,但他们对该地区相对重要性的理解是一致的,即强调盟友和合作伙伴,特别是自奥巴马政府以来,他们主张保持该地区免受胁迫,并对贸易、投资和思想开放总的来说,这表明,尽管美国与该地区进行了几个世纪的接触,但美国对印太地区的战略在过去20年里一直在正规化,而拜登政府的政策是最近的一次迭代。本文试图通过分析拜登的印太战略是什么以及在实施过程中面临的潜在挑战,来评估拜登的印太战略。美国的印太战略是什么?尽管拜登总统对特朗普政府的印太政策提出了批评,但拜登和特朗普都采取了相似而非不同的战略。该战略包括美国打算与其盟友、伙伴和地区机构共同追求的五个关键目标。这些目标是:(1)推进一个自由开放的印度-太平洋地区;(2)建立地区内外的联系;(3)推动地区繁荣;(4)加强印度-太平洋地区的安全;(5)建立地区应对跨国威胁的能力。为实现上述每一项目标,该战略确定了以下任务:•推进一个自由开放的印度-太平洋地区:投资于民主机构、新闻自由和充满活力的公民社会。改善财政透明度。确保本地区的海洋和天空按照国际法进行管理和使用。对关键技术和新兴技术、互联网和网络空间采取共同措施。•建立区域内外的联系:4°加深区域条约联盟。加强与区域伙伴的关系(特别提到印度、印度尼西亚、马来西亚、蒙古、新西兰、太平洋岛屿、新加坡、台湾和越南)。加强四方会谈(即由澳大利亚、印度、日本和美国组成的安全对话小组)。加深与东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN)的合作(特别提到东盟的中心地位)。与太平洋岛国合作,优先与《自由联合契约》(cofa)谈判。扩大美国的外交存在(特别提到东南亚和太平洋岛屿)。在印度-太平洋地区和欧洲-大西洋地区之间建立联系。•推动地区繁荣:6°提出一个印度-太平洋经济框架(提及贸易、数字经济和数据流治理以及供应链的新方法)。通过亚太经济合作组织(APEC)促进自由、公平、开放的贸易和投资。通过与七国集团成员的“重建更美好的世界”伙伴关系,缩小本地区的基础设施差距。•支持……
期刊介绍:
Asia Policy is a peer-reviewed scholarly journal presenting policy-relevant academic research on the Asia-Pacific that draws clear and concise conclusions useful to today’s policymakers.