In Defiance of History: Orosius and the Unimproved Past by Victoria Leonard (review)

IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI:10.1353/earl.2023.a899418
Jamie Wood
{"title":"In Defiance of History: Orosius and the Unimproved Past by Victoria Leonard (review)","authors":"Jamie Wood","doi":"10.1353/earl.2023.a899418","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: In Defiance of History: Orosius and the Unimproved Past by Victoria Leonard Jamie Wood Victoria Leonard In Defiance of History: Orosius and the Unimproved Past New York: Routledge, 2022 Pp. xxii + 199. $136.00; £120.00. Having worked on another of the less celebrated historians of late antiquity, Isidore of Seville, I have much sympathy with Victoria Leonard's approach to the Seven Books of Histories against the Pagans, written by the priest Orosius. Challenging what has until recently been the fairly widespread scholarly condemnation of the universal historian's abilities, Leonard deftly demonstrates that he was in fact an original author who deployed historical production to intervene actively in the religious changes of the late fourth and early fifth centuries. Of course, such shifts did not occur in a vacuum, and Orosius's intervention was at least in part intended to help members of his Christian audience make sense of their religion's place within the late Roman politico-military complex. Rather than judging Orosius in terms of his failure to live up to the standard of classical historiography (or its late antique standard-bearers) or on the basis of Augustine's apparent unease with elements of the Seven Books of Histories, Leonard seeks to understand the author on his own terms. In this sense, the book builds on recent work by Peter van Nuffelen (Orosius and the Rhetoric of History [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012]), which demonstrated how Orosius's \"Christian\" vision of history was grounded in a thoroughly ancient [End Page 257] education. Without denying his classical formation, Leonard's historiographical analysis seeks to contextualize Orosius in relation to the efforts of Christian intellectuals in the decades around 400 in order to comprehend what Christian imperial rule meant for their faith and, more specifically, in order to respond to the charge that Christianity had brought about the fall of Rome (9). This campaign reached its zenith, in the Latin West at least, with Augustine's City of God, the intellectual heft of which did much to overshadow Orosius's work, if not the enthusiasm of medieval copyists (over 275 manuscripts of the Seven Books of Histories survive) (2). After an introduction that surveys previous historiography and articulates the monograph's rehabilitative intent, Leonard proceeds to unpack Orosius's approach to writing history (Chapter One), beginning with the important question: \"What is the Historiae?\" This is particularly pertinent because the text does not fit neatly into any pre-existing historiographical genre, whether ancient (e.g., classical history) or more recent (e.g., late antique epitome). Nor does Orosius provide a programmatic statement of intent at the beginning of the work or reveal much about himself that can enable us to figure out what he was trying do to. This is not to say that the Spanish priest was an unreflective practitioner of the historian's craft, for the vast scope of his work meant that he had to make a series of decisions about dating and what to include and exclude and, on occasion, make explicit reference to the method that he was applying. Indeed, Leonard argues that Orosius's style throughout is \"self-conscious\" (36) and that he deliberately wove together various literary genres in a work of historiographical innovation that offers a politicized vision of his \"Christanized historical model\" (38). The following three chapters demonstrate quite convincingly how Orosius put this project into practice, from his vision of a Christian ordering of universal time (Chapter Two), his presentation of imperial power (Chapter Three), and his filtering of military affairs through a Christianizing lens (Chapter Four). Chapter Two shows brilliantly how chronology is not neutral. Orosius arranged his text according to a range of different temporal criteria and deployed a variety of dating mechanisms to thoroughly Christianize past time, his organization of the work around the Incarnation quite reasonably being posited as a precursor to the b.c/a.d. scheme (69). Chapter Three shows how, contrary to previous analyses that have focused on Orosius's emphasis on the synchronism between Augustus and Christ, his vision of the relationship between empire and Christianity was more complicated, ambiguous even. Rather than a universalizing vision of cooperation...","PeriodicalId":44662,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/earl.2023.a899418","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Reviewed by: In Defiance of History: Orosius and the Unimproved Past by Victoria Leonard Jamie Wood Victoria Leonard In Defiance of History: Orosius and the Unimproved Past New York: Routledge, 2022 Pp. xxii + 199. $136.00; £120.00. Having worked on another of the less celebrated historians of late antiquity, Isidore of Seville, I have much sympathy with Victoria Leonard's approach to the Seven Books of Histories against the Pagans, written by the priest Orosius. Challenging what has until recently been the fairly widespread scholarly condemnation of the universal historian's abilities, Leonard deftly demonstrates that he was in fact an original author who deployed historical production to intervene actively in the religious changes of the late fourth and early fifth centuries. Of course, such shifts did not occur in a vacuum, and Orosius's intervention was at least in part intended to help members of his Christian audience make sense of their religion's place within the late Roman politico-military complex. Rather than judging Orosius in terms of his failure to live up to the standard of classical historiography (or its late antique standard-bearers) or on the basis of Augustine's apparent unease with elements of the Seven Books of Histories, Leonard seeks to understand the author on his own terms. In this sense, the book builds on recent work by Peter van Nuffelen (Orosius and the Rhetoric of History [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012]), which demonstrated how Orosius's "Christian" vision of history was grounded in a thoroughly ancient [End Page 257] education. Without denying his classical formation, Leonard's historiographical analysis seeks to contextualize Orosius in relation to the efforts of Christian intellectuals in the decades around 400 in order to comprehend what Christian imperial rule meant for their faith and, more specifically, in order to respond to the charge that Christianity had brought about the fall of Rome (9). This campaign reached its zenith, in the Latin West at least, with Augustine's City of God, the intellectual heft of which did much to overshadow Orosius's work, if not the enthusiasm of medieval copyists (over 275 manuscripts of the Seven Books of Histories survive) (2). After an introduction that surveys previous historiography and articulates the monograph's rehabilitative intent, Leonard proceeds to unpack Orosius's approach to writing history (Chapter One), beginning with the important question: "What is the Historiae?" This is particularly pertinent because the text does not fit neatly into any pre-existing historiographical genre, whether ancient (e.g., classical history) or more recent (e.g., late antique epitome). Nor does Orosius provide a programmatic statement of intent at the beginning of the work or reveal much about himself that can enable us to figure out what he was trying do to. This is not to say that the Spanish priest was an unreflective practitioner of the historian's craft, for the vast scope of his work meant that he had to make a series of decisions about dating and what to include and exclude and, on occasion, make explicit reference to the method that he was applying. Indeed, Leonard argues that Orosius's style throughout is "self-conscious" (36) and that he deliberately wove together various literary genres in a work of historiographical innovation that offers a politicized vision of his "Christanized historical model" (38). The following three chapters demonstrate quite convincingly how Orosius put this project into practice, from his vision of a Christian ordering of universal time (Chapter Two), his presentation of imperial power (Chapter Three), and his filtering of military affairs through a Christianizing lens (Chapter Four). Chapter Two shows brilliantly how chronology is not neutral. Orosius arranged his text according to a range of different temporal criteria and deployed a variety of dating mechanisms to thoroughly Christianize past time, his organization of the work around the Incarnation quite reasonably being posited as a precursor to the b.c/a.d. scheme (69). Chapter Three shows how, contrary to previous analyses that have focused on Orosius's emphasis on the synchronism between Augustus and Christ, his vision of the relationship between empire and Christianity was more complicated, ambiguous even. Rather than a universalizing vision of cooperation...
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《蔑视历史:奥罗修斯与未改善的过去》维多利亚·伦纳德著(书评)
书评:《藐视历史:奥罗修斯与未改善的过去》,作者:维多利亚·伦纳德,Jamie Wood,维多利亚·伦纳德《藐视历史:奥罗修斯与未改善的过去》,纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2022年,第22页+ 199页。136.00美元;£120.00。在研究过另一位不太出名的古代历史学家——塞维利亚的伊西多尔之后,我非常赞同维多利亚·伦纳德(Victoria Leonard)对奥罗修斯(Orosius)牧师写的《七卷历史》(Seven Books of history)中反对异教徒的观点。伦纳德挑战了直到最近学术界对普世历史学家能力的普遍谴责,他巧妙地证明了他实际上是一位原创作者,他利用历史著作积极地干预了四世纪末和五世纪初的宗教变化。当然,这样的转变不是凭空发生的,奥罗修斯的干预至少在一定程度上是为了帮助他的基督教听众理解他们的宗教在罗马晚期政治军事综合体中的地位。伦纳德不是以奥古斯丁未能达到古典史学的标准(或其已故的古代标准)或奥古斯丁对《七卷史》元素的明显不安来评判奥古斯丁,而是试图以他自己的方式来理解这位作者。从这个意义上说,本书建立在彼得·范·纳费伦(Peter van Nuffelen)最近的著作(《奥罗修斯与历史修辞学》[牛津:牛津大学出版社,2012])的基础上,该书展示了奥罗修斯的“基督教”历史观是如何建立在一个彻底古老的教育基础上的。伦纳德的史学分析在不否认他的古典思想的情况下,试图将奥罗修斯与公元400年左右基督教知识分子的努力联系起来,以理解基督教帝国统治对他们的信仰意味着什么,更具体地说,是为了回应基督教导致罗马灭亡的指控(9)。这场运动达到了顶峰,至少在拉丁西方,奥古斯丁的《上帝之城》,如果不是中世纪抄写员的热情(《历史七书》的超过275份手稿幸存下来),那么它的智力分量在很大程度上掩盖了奥罗修斯的作品(2)。在介绍了之前的史学研究并阐明了这部专著的修复意图之后,伦纳德继续揭示了奥罗修斯写历史的方法(第一章),从一个重要的问题开始:“什么是历史?”这是特别相关的,因为文本不符合任何现有的历史编纂类型,无论是古代(例如,古典历史)还是近代(例如,晚期古董缩影)。奥罗修斯也没有在作品一开始就提供一个纲领性的意图陈述,也没有透露太多关于他自己的信息,让我们能够弄清楚他想要做什么。这并不是说这位西班牙牧师是历史学家技艺的不加思考的实践者,因为他的工作范围很广,这意味着他必须做出一系列关于日期的决定,以及包括什么和排除什么,有时,他还必须明确地提到他正在使用的方法。事实上,伦纳德认为,奥罗修斯的风格贯穿始终是“自觉的”(36),他在一部史学创新的作品中故意将各种文学流派交织在一起,为他的“基督教化的历史模式”提供了一种政治化的视角(38)。接下来的三章非常有说服力地展示了奥罗修斯是如何将这个计划付诸实践的,从他对基督教世界时间秩序的看法(第二章),他对皇权的展示(第三章),以及他通过基督教化的视角对军事事务的过滤(第四章)。第二章精彩地展示了年表是如何不中立的。奥罗修斯根据一系列不同的时间标准整理了他的文本,并采用了各种各样的年代机制来彻底基督教化过去的时间,他围绕道成肉身的工作组织相当合理地被假设为公元前/公元的先驱。方案(69)。第三章表明,与之前的分析相反,奥罗修斯强调奥古斯都和基督之间的同步性,他对帝国和基督教之间关系的看法更加复杂,甚至模糊。而不是一个普遍的合作愿景……
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
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发文量
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期刊介绍: The official publication of the North American Patristics Society (NAPS), the Journal of Early Christian Studies focuses on the study of Christianity in the context of late ancient societies and religions from c.e. 100-700. Incorporating The Second Century (an earlier publication), the Journal publishes the best of traditional patristics scholarship while showcasing articles that call attention to newer themes and methodologies than those appearing in other patristics journals. An extensive book review section is featured in every issue.
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Disfigurement and Deliverance: Eusebian Portrayals of Martyrdom and the Letter of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne Μετοχῇ Θεότητος: Partakers of Divinity in Origen's Contra Celsum Developments in Early Eucharistic Praying in Light of Changes in Early Christian Meeting Spaces From Text to Relics: The Emergence of the Scribe-Martyr in Late Antique Christianity (Fourth Century–Seventh Century) Reconfigured Relations: A New Perspective on the Relationship between Ambrose's De sacramentis and the Roman Canon Missae
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