Living conditions and social response in times of apocalypse: the inflationary cycle of the First World War in Catalonia

Abstract

ABSTRACTThis article deals with the issue of population living conditions and the resulting social response in a very short inflationary conjuncture, created by an external shock. It focuses on the effects of the First World War – a cataclysm in the history of humanity that affected all spheres, from the geopolitical and social to the economic – on a particular region of eastern Spain: Catalonia. The article is structured into five main sections. It begins with a discussion of the never-ending debates on living conditions. It then addresses the characteristics of the First World War cycle; the war in Catalonia specifically, along with the trap of economic benefits (limited expansion and inflation) and the effects on the population; and the subsistence crisis in Catalonia and its devastating effects, before finally examining the unrest that led towards a ‘revolution of the stomachs’. The article uses an exceptional set of primary sources – letters intercepted by censors – containing personal testimonies of everyday experiences, feelings and reactions to events across social classes. It demonstrates correlations between economic indicators and individual testimonies, identifies and explains the seasonality of protest, and incorporates a gender perspective to show that women were at the forefront of this protest.KEYWORDS: Living conditionsinflationsocial protestFirst World War AcknowledgementsThis study was undertaken at the Observatori Centre d’Estudis Jordi Nadal d’Història Econòmica, Department of Economic History, Institutions and Policy and World Economy, Faculty of Economics and Business (Universitat de Barcelona, Spain). I thank those responsible for supporting my research as well as the editors and reviewers of this journal.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 M. Fuentes, España en la Primera Guerra Mundial: Una movilización cultural (Madrid, 2014); M. Fuentes, España y Argentina en la Primera Guerra Mundial: Neutralidades transnacionales (Madrid, 2022); F.J. Romero, Spain 1914–1918: Between war and revolution (London, 2014; Spanish edition, 2002).2 F. Grafl, ‘World War I and its impact on Catalonia’ in G. Barry et al. (eds), Small Nations and Colonial Peripheries in World War I (Leiden, 2016), 125–39.3 A. Arnavat, ‘L’impacte de la Gran Guerra sobre l’economia de Reus (1914–23)’, Recerques, 20 (1988), 115–29; J. Mirás, ‘El impacto de la Primera Guerra Mundial en la industria de A Coruña’, Revista de Historia Industrial, 29 (2005), 143–61; P.M. Egea, ‘Incidencia socioeconómica de la Primera Guerra Mundial sobre Orihuela y la comarca alicantina de la Vega Baja, 1914–1918’, Anales de Historia Contemporánea, 4 (1985), 121–59.4 For the Aragón region: V. Lucea, El pueblo en movimiento: protesta social en Aragón (1885–1917) (Zaragoza, 2009). Orti generalises the negative effect of the disaster to the whole province, although with different intensities depending on the area (greater in the towns with fewer reserves and in the capital). For two different forms of response – emigration and strikes – see D. Orti, ‘Alicante ante la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914–1918)’, Saitabi, xv (1965), 103–28.5 P. Gabriel, ‘Sous i cost de la vida a Catalunya a l’entorn dels anys de la Primera Guerra Mundial’, Recerques, 20 (1988), 61–91; M. Casals, ‘La industria textil lanera y la guerra 1914–18’ (D.Phil., Bellaterra, 1981); E. Deu, ‘Els beneficis industrials durant la Primera Guerra Mundial: el cas de la indústria llanera a Sabadell’, Recerques, 20 (1988), 45–60; N. Rodríguez-Martín, ‘“Ni luz, ni carbón, ni autoridad”: La crisis del alumbrado público y del suministro de gas en Madrid durante la Primera Guerra Mundial’, Historia Social, 101 (2021), 23–42; D. Ramos, ‘El nivel de vida del proletariado malagueño en la Primera Guerra Mundial’, Estudios de historia social, 18–19 (1981), 263–94; J.P. Fusi, Política obrera en el país vasco (1880–1923) (Madrid, 1975).6 Gabriel, op. cit.; A. Escudero, ‘El nivel de vida de los mineros vascos (1876–1936)’, Revista de Historia Social, 27 (1997), 61–91.7 Mentions of the high cost of living are contained in the series 7N/984-986. On one occasion, the CPCBo reproduced an entire letter (Madrid, 3 July 1917).8 A vindication: J.-N. Jeanneney, ‘Les Archives des Commissions de Contrôle postal aux Armées (1916–1918): Une source précieuse pour l’histoire contemporaine de l’opinion et des mentalités’, Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 15, 1 (1968), 209–33. It is quite surprising to find no reference to the pandemic that struck Europe in 1918 and which began to have a major impact in Spain in the spring of 1918: El Día, 3 October 1918.9 Systematisation by Escudero, op. cit., 87–106; an update in D. Gallardo-Albarrán and H. de Jong, ‘Optimism or pessimism? A composite view on English living standards during the Industrial Revolution’, European Review of Economic History, 25, 1 (2021), 1–19. The latest addition to the components of living conditions is the ‘biological standard of living’. This trend gives anthropometric evidence – for example, height as a measure of a person’s net nutritional status – greater validity than real wage trends for analysing living standards, mainly due to the lack of data or the unreliability of income: F. Cinnirella, ‘Optimists or pessimists? A reconsideration of nutritional status in Britain, 1740–1865’, European Review of Economic History, 12, 3 (2008), 325–54.10 A key work is Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Prices and Price Control in Great Britain and the United States During the World War (New York and Toronto, 1920); two qualified press organs are The Economist and Statist; an essential context reference is Romero, op. cit.11 M. Barnett, British Food Policy During the First World War (London and New York, 2014).12 E. Lloyd, Experiments in State Control at the War Office and the Ministry of Food (Oxford, 1924), xiii. Details can be found on the legal basis of control (50–64), rationing and organised distribution (429–33), control of meat supplies (431) and on hides and leather (101).13 B.-J. Davis, Home Fires Burning: Food, politics, and everyday life in World War I Berlin (Chapel Hill, NC and London, 2000), 1.14 L. Taylor, ‘Food riots revisited’, Journal of Social History, 30, 2 (1996), 483–96.15 A. Lees, International Encyclopaedia of the First World War, 11 July 2017. https://encyclopaedia.1914-1918-online.net/home.html (accessed 11 June 2023).16 B.A. Engel, ‘Not by bread alone: subsistence riots in Russia during World War I’, The Journal of Modern History, 69, 4 (1997), 696–721; increasing involvement of women in Russia (699).17 A pioneering and fundamental reference is S. Roldán and J.-L. García-Delgado, La formación de la sociedad capitalista en España, 1914–1920 (Madrid, 1973).18 In addition to others mentioned below, see J.-L. García-Delgado and J-C. Jiménez, Un siglo de España: la economía (Madrid, 2004), 51–61 on the coincidence of three key factors: military unrest (Defence Juntas), political movement (Assembly of deputies) and social unrest (general strike). See, on the crisis of 1917, a classic and a more recent work: J.-A. Lacomba, La crisis española de 1917 (Málaga, 1970), 109–14, 203–05 and 213–48; F.-J. Romero and A. Smith (eds), The Agony of Spanish Liberalism (Basingstoke, 2010), 92–120.19 E. Felice, J. Pujol and C. D’Ippoliti, ‘GDP and life expectancy in Italy and Spain over the long run: a time-series approach’, Demographic Research, 35 (2016), 813–66; R. Nicolau, ‘Población, salud y actividad’ in A. Carreras and X. Tafunell (eds), Estadísticas históricas de España (siglos xix y xx) (Bilbao, 2005), 77–154. We follow the synthesis of D. Gallardo-Albarrán and J.-J. García-Gómez, ‘Growth or stagnation? Well-being during the Spanish industrialization in Alcoy (1860–1910)’, Investigaciones de Historia Económica – Economic History Research, 18 (2022), 26–37.20 J.-M. Martínez-Carrión, ‘La talla de los europeos, 1700–2000: ciclos, crecimiento y desigualdad’. Investigaciones de Historia Económica/Economic History Research, 8 (2012), 176–87.21 A. Cámara et al., ‘Height and inequality in Spain: a long-term perspective’, Revista de Historia Económica. JILAEH, 37 (2019), 205–38; C. Varea et al., ‘Disparities in height and urban social stratification in the first half of the twentieth century in Madrid (Spain)’, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16, 11 (2019), 2048; H. Garcia-Montero, ‘Height, nutritional and economic inequality in Central Spain, 1837–1936’, International Journal of Environment, Research and Public Health, 19, 6 (2022), 3397. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19063397 (accessed 11 June 2023).22 H.-J. Voth, ‘Living standards during the industrial revolution: an economist’s guide’, The American Economic Review, 93, 2 (2003), 221–26. The human development index of the United Nations has three dimensions: access to knowledge, a healthy life, and other aspects of well-being (life expectancy at birth as a proxy for a healthy life, education measures).23 Synthesis: I. Olábarri and I. Arana, ‘Bilbao, 1839–1936: estado de la cuestión y perspectivas de investigación’, Bidebarrieta, 13 (2003), 11–147.24 Escudero, op. cit., 87–106.25 We use Olábarri and Arana’s synthesis of the debate – op. cit., 11–147.26 M. Ferro, La Gran Guerra (1914–1918) (Madrid, 1988); S. Broadberry and M. Harrison (eds), The Economics of the Great War: A centennial perspective (London, 2018).27 H. De Jong and S. Nikolić, ‘Neutral economies in World War I’ in Broadberry and Harrison (eds), ibid., 109–19.28 Romero, op. cit., 5–26; Grafl, op. cit., 125–39; M. Fuentes, ‘Neutralidad o intervención: Los intelectuales españoles frente a la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914–1918)’, Políticas de la memoria, 15 (2015), 22–39; R. Domínguez, ‘La gran guerra y la neutralidad española: entre la tradición historiográfica y las nuevas líneas de investigación’, Spagna contemporanea, 34 (2008), 27–44. The designation of ‘Alliadophiles’ and ‘Germanophiles’ related to the side to which Spanish people aligned themselves.29 For a highly topical synthesis of scholarship on the war period, see A. Carreras and X. Tafunell, Between Empire and Globalisation: An economic history of modern Spain (Cham, 2021), 115–22. We have omitted the fierce controversy over the effects of the war, whether entirely positive, nuanced positive or negative, led by stellar personalities (Joan Sardà), or followed by notable specialists (Carles Sudrià). An institution so little given to sentimentality – the Bank of Spain – mentioned the numerous and far-reaching ‘desolations and ruins caused by the war, even in our Spain, which was not affected by it’; see Memorias de la sucursal del Banco de España en Valencia: Año 1919 (Madrid, 1875–1922).30 Carreras and Tafunell, ibid., 115–22. The novelist Juan Antonio Zunzunegui narrates the ‘crazy’ years in Bilbao and the estuary during the war. To stop the disaffection of his parishioners when he implored for the end of the war, a parish priest in Bilbao refined his prayer: ‘so that the war will end when it is convenient for us’: Diary of Sessions in the Parliament, 30 January 1917, 27.31 IRS, Informes de los inspectores del trabajo sobre la influencia de la guerra europea en las industrias españolas (1917–1918), III (Madrid, 1919), 70–72. The general press spoke of the ‘troubled middle class’: La Correspondencia de España (CodeEs), 25 August 1918.32 IRS, Noticias de la inspección del trabajo relativas a la industria textil de España y a la huelga del arte fabril de Cataluña en agosto de 1913 (Madrid, 1913).33 For olive oil, see GEHiR, Los precios del aceite de oliva en España, 1891–1916 (Madrid, 1981), 69.34 IRS, Informes, op. cit.,146. The IRS put the increase in subsistence and rents in Barcelona at over 50% and 30% respectively: IRS, Informes, op. cit., I, 202.35 In 1914–1918, the IRS published semi-annual cost-of-living information based on data supplied by some 6000 municipalities for 22 items – food: 17, energy: 3, household: 1 – soap – and housing: 1. It also compiled a half-yearly summary of average prices for 12 basic food items: IRS, Encarecimiento de la vida durante la guerra: precios de las subsistencias en España y en el extranjero (Madrid, 1918), 79–82.36 J. Maluquer, La inflación en España: Un índice de precios de consumo, 1830–2012 (Madrid, 2013), 43 and 70.37 IRS, Informes, op. cit., I, 188–89.38 IRS, Noticias, op. cit., 79, 83–84. See C. Massana, ‘Vagues, cicles i política (1900–1936)’, Recerques, 11 (1981), 81–105 (at 101).39 IRS, Informes, op. cit., I, 39–40.40 Á. Calvo, ‘Estructura industrial i sistema productiu a Catalunya durant la Primera Guerra Mundial’, Recerques, 20 (1988), 11–43. It was the era of the ‘nouveau riche’, of the cabaret, of pimping, and of the American bar and its ‘drug scientists’ and ‘alcohol technicians’.41 Grafl, op. cit., 125–39.42 IRS, Informes, op. cit., I, 171.43 ibid., 169.44 IRS, Informes, op. cit., I, 9; R. Ros Massana, ‘Rotación e irregularidad del trabajo en un distrito industrial exportador: La industria corchotaponera (1891–1910)’, Investigaciones de Historia Económica – Economic History Research, 16 (2020), 95–107.45 The employers responded to the workers’ defence of the association with a lockout: J.C. Marinello, ‘Sindicalismo y violencia en Catalunya 1902–1919’ (D.Phil., Bellaterra, 2014), 441.46 Informes de los Inspectores de la primera y segunda Regiones y provincial de Gerona, Madrid, 10/10/1914. The institutions generally included the City Council, the Chamber of Commerce, manufacturers, local banks and sometimes workers’ associations. Some projects, such as the docking scheme, were unsuccessful due to doubts about its effectiveness.47 2test: February–March 1917; 2test: March–April 1918; a popular soup in the Canaries: Diario de Las Palmas, 18 September 1914. (See note 50 below for an explanation of the Rapport mensuel ‘test’ abbreviations.)48 J. Vicens-Vives, Industrials i polítics (segle XIX) (Barcelona, 1958); J. Vicens-Vives, ‘El moviment obrerista català (1901–1939)’, Recerques, 7 (1978), 9–31 discuss the ‘pitiful’ working-class condition – ‘the way of life’ – in Catalonia’s nascent industrial development.49 The section summarises the gist of the author’s doctoral thesis: Á. Calvo, La transformación de la estructura industrial en Cataluña 1898–1920 (Barcelona, 1986), 459–62.50 The Rapport mensuel of February–March 1917 speaks of ‘almost all of them’; that of March–April notes that ‘Spanish correspondence brings us every day recriminations against expensive life’; that of December 1916–January 1917 puts the figure at 75%. Hereafter, I note the number of testimonies (Xtest) collected in the Rapports mensuels and the corresponding date.51 J. Cuzé, Figueres (Girona), Rapport mensuel November–December 1916.52 Rapport mensuel November–December 1916.53 8test: 11–12/1916 (8test, Rapport for November–December 1916).54 5test: 12/1916–1/1917.55 4test: 12/1916–1/1917.56 M. Redero (ed), La Unión General de Trabajadores en Castilla y León (1888–1998) (Salamanca, 2004), 107. The provisions of the Juntas de subsistencia were voiced by the town councils: Arxiu Municipal Sarrià-Sant Gervasi (Barcelona), 1–013, 19 December 1919. Often, the authorities erred in their lack of foresight, as happened with those in Barcelona, blinded by the existence of coal reserves (La Mañana, 23 August 1914); sometimes, those who were supposed to dictate prices were the first to be interested in not taxing them, as happened with the potato warehousemen in Madrid: CodeEs, 28 August 1919.57 The appellation refers significantly to Valladolid in Castile, a city of no particular conflict; El Norte de Castilla, 28 January 2020.58 4test: December 1916–January 1917. A disparaging reference to the strike: 1test.59 3test: December 1916–January 1917. It is worth noting the scarcity of alternative leisure activities, which led the population to cling to their traditional festivals and entertainments (1test: May–June 1917), although others, such as the cinema, began to have a growing influence (Valdour).60 2test: February–March 1917; 2test: March–April 1918.61 2test: April–May 1917; 2test: May–June 1917; 5test: June–July 1917.62 E.P. Thompson, ‘The moral economy of the English crowd in the eighteenth century’, Past & Present, 50 (1971), 76–136. It is worth adding other work that examines the concept of ‘moral economy’ in relation to the First World War. Two examples are N. Potamianos, ‘Moral economy? Popular demands and state intervention in the struggle over anti-profiteering laws in Greece 1914–1925’, Journal of Social History, 48, 4 (2015), 803–15; A. James Coles, ‘The moral economy of the crowd: some twentieth-century food riots’, Journal of British Studies, 18, 1 (1978), 157–76.63 2test: November–December 1916; 1test: March–April 1917; 3test: July–August 1917.64 An inspection found dimly lit, damp and dirty rooms, old furniture and inadequate equipment for qualitative analysis: Barcelona City Council Administrative Archive, Governorate, 1354; Medicina Social, I (1911), 101–09.65 2test: February–March 1917; 1test: September–October 1917. One witness reported that he preferred to save on bacon to buy wheat and a second that he resorted to substitute products (cod for sardines). With reference to other territories, in Madrid, the analysis of a portion of bread in the municipal laboratory detected substances harmful to health. According to the source, this evidenced the collusion of the local municipal authorities with bakers and other industrialists, a situation which the food crisis had taken to intolerable extremes: La Acción, 19 October 1917.66 1test: July–August 1917; 2test: February–March 1918; 1test: April–May 1918. The potential of the ‘hunger queues’ as a space for extending the protests via exchange of rumours and information should not be overlooked.67 On the importance given to social status and gender in terms of preservation of the species or struggle for survival, see L. Golden, ‘Les Dones com a avantguarda: El rebombori del pa del gener de 1918’, L’Avenç’, 44 (1981), 45–50; T. Kaplan, ‘Female consciousness and collective action: the case of Barcelona, 1910–1918’, Signs, 7, 3 (1982), 545–66. Three examples of women’s protagonism are the hunger riots of 1789 in Catalonia (Castells), of 1856 in Castile (Reboredo, 1987) and the subsequent anti-fiscal riots of 1892. (R. Vallejo, ‘Pervivencia de las formas tradicionales de protesta’, Historia social, 8 (1990), 3–27). On women-led central episodes of the Tragic Week, see L. Golden, ‘Barcelona 1909: les dones contra la quinta i l’església’, L’Avenç, 109 (1987), 48–53.68 CMCPBo, 1test [sl], 18/1/1918; Testimony, Málaga 19 January 1918. The academic interpretation blames the exclusion of men on women’s fear of losing control of the mobilisations in favour of the workers’ organisations, made up mainly of men: El Temps, 19 February 2018. A tactical variant consisted of putting women and children on the front line, as a bulwark against police intervention: La Mañana, 20 January 1918.69 6test: November–December 1917; the author of one of them lived in a middle-class area of Barcelona.70 La Vanguardia, 10 October 1917; 23 August 1917; 19 October 1917. The professional body for trade employees (CADCI) complained to the FTN about the derisory salaries: AJDFTN, 21 February 1919.71 1test: November–December 1917; seven testimonies between December 1916 and December 1917 attribute the causes of the problem to the war.72 3test: November 1917–July 1917.73 2test: June–July 1917.74 1test: November–December 1917; also refers to the increase in rents. Deposits belonging to German houses established in New York were discovered: November–December 1917. A summary of the official provisions on subsistence between August 1914 and 1918 is in the key work by S. Roldán and J.-L. García-Delgado, La formación de la sociedad capitalista en España, 1914–1920 (Madrid, 1973), 443 ff. Of particular note is the Royal Decree concerning the hoarding of foodstuffs, which penalised those who contravened these provisions: Gaceta de Madrid, 67, 8 March 1919, 835–37.75 3test: 12/1916–1/1917.76 1test: March–April 1917; 1test: September–October 1917; on concealment of goods, see 2test: February–March; April–May 1918, dates close to the bread riots in Barcelona. The Centre Nacionalista Republicà advocated making bread cheaper, given that the number of loaves obtained was 1.2 times the number of kilograms of flour used, mostly second and third class: El Poble Catalá, 30 November 1916. The president of the FTN blamed the high cost of bread on the large number of bakers (about 700) (Actas de la Junta directiva del Fomento del Trabajo Nacional (AJDFTN), 11 December 1916; 11 January 1917, a fact that was also true in Madrid (Mundo Gráfico, 17 March 1915).77 1test: February–March 1917; 1test: March–April 1917.78 1test: February–March 1917; 1test: March–April 1917; 1test, which, furthermore, attributes to the majority of Spaniards the thought of the inevitability of the revolution May–June 1917.79 1test: February–March 1917; 1test: March–April 1917; 1test: April–May 1917; 1test: July–August 1917.80 C. Massana, op. cit., 94–95; J. Silvestre, ‘Los determinantes de la protesta obrera en España, 1905–1935’, Revista de Historia Industrial, 24 (2003), 51–80, points to a pattern of workers’ protest quite similar to that in Italy.81 X, Barcelona to Leopold Jaeger, Montpellier; X, Barcelona to Miss Camicas, Landes, Rapport mensuel, December 1916–January 1917.82 El Heraldo de Madrid, 16 August 1913; CodeEs, 15 September 1920; El Sol, 23 February 1921. For a well-documented research report that captures the protests and systematises the changes in their forms between the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century, see Lucea, op. cit., 41.83 1test: (Zaragoza), 20 January 1918. The press referred to events of some importance and sad consequences in Alicante: La Mañana, 20 January 1918.84 General press (La Vanguardia, 11 January 1918); El Diluvio, El Imparcial (15 January 1918), satirical (L’Esquella de la Torratxa, 18 January 1918), regional (El Regional, 10 January 1918; El Popular, 10 January 1918; El Regional, 15 January 1918) y unionist (Solidaridad Obrera). Academic research: Kaplan, op. cit., 545–66. For a revival of interest in the subject on the occasion of the centenary of the events, see E. Fayanás, ‘La gran huelga de mujeres de 1918’, Nueva Tribuna, 4 March 2020; X. Alfeirán, ‘Los motines del hambre azuzados por las mujeres’, La Voz de Galicia, 5 February 2018; À. Milian, ‘La revolta de les dones (Barcelona – 1918)’, El Temps, 19 February 2018.85 1test: November–December 1917; 5test: February–March 1918. The denunciations led to the discovery of a large stock of lentils and of petrol in two places. For the region of Aragón, see Lucea, op. cit., 97–98.86 CMCP Bordeaux, 1test (Málaga), 19 January 1918.87 Mary Nash, Rojas: las mujeres republicanas en la guerra civil (Madrid, 1999), 69. ‘Malaga is placated by grief; but in its mourning one senses a refocused anger’: La Mañana, 20 January 1918.88 D. Ramos, ‘Crisis de subsistencias y conflictividad social en Málaga: los sucesos de Enero de 1918’, Baética, 6 (1983) 441–66; R. Zugasti in Diario.es, 9 May 2018. Workers, ‘faeneras’ (in charge of putting nuts in cartons for international markets), domestic workers and housewives participated: Blog Noticias LN, 28 January 2022.89 For Alicante, see Orti, op. cit., 103–28.90 In Madrid, women rioted against the high cost of coal and were repressed by the Civil Guard.91 Diario de Las Palmas, 17 December 1915; 16 January 1918. The local authorities in Ávila tried to get out of it with vague promises: CodeEs, 8 March 1915.92 La Voz de Galicia, 5 February 2018.93 1test: (Zaragoza), 20 January 1918; women took to the streets ready to let themselves be killed rather than starve to death: 1test (Melilla, 20 January 1918).94 I. Castells, ‘Els rebomboris del pa de 1789 a Barcelona’, Recerques, 1 (1970), 51–81. The combative profile of what some considered ‘peaceful and sweet’ Palma, which had a pro-subsistence Commission of the Workers’ Centre, is surprising; 20 workers’ and citizens’ associations participated in the preparation of the 1917 strike: El obrero balear, 9 November 1907; 16 December 1916. In the context of socialist campaigns against rising prices (A.A. Buylla, La reforma social en España, ICE, Madrid: 1917), this socialist organ generally linked scarcity and unemployment. The target of the protests was the financier Joan March, considered to be a ‘hoarder’ and ‘smuggler’ of essential goods.95 L.A. Tilly, ‘The food riot as a form of political conflict in France’, The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 2, 1 (1971), 23–57.96 M. Roger, Els tipus socials de la producció suro-tapera (Barcelona, 1911), 65 ff.97 7N/998, CMCPNar, various.98 J. Fontana, Cambio económico y actitudes políticas en la España del siglo XIX (Barcelona, 1975), 57 ff.; Castells, op. cit., 51–81; G. Rudé, Protesta popular y revolución en el siglo XVIII (Barcelona, 1978), 100–06, 110, 119, 125–34.