Frontrunners but different games? Comparing Catalan and Basque paradiplomacy towards the EU

IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q2 GEOGRAPHY Territory Politics Governance Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI:10.1080/21622671.2023.2264868
Sandrina Antunes, Noé Cornago, André Lecours
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Abstract

ABSTRACTThis article compares Basque and Catalan mobilisation towards the EU over the period from 1992 to 2022. The contrasting trajectories of these regions are approached through the conceptual framework of ‘paradiplomacy’ and ‘protodiplomacy’. Building on a combination of primary and secondary sources, six explanatory variables are selected and the observed patterns compared across time. Both cases alternate between cooperation and benign neglect, becoming politically controversial only when the regions overtly express claims for self-determination; however, only the Catalan case involves a severe and lasting political conflict. Although the strategies are framed by the broader structures of opportunity imposed by the EU, our research shows that the most salient features of these contrasting trajectories are deeply rooted in the idiosyncrasies of the Spanish political system and individual leadership styles. These findings help us to understand the scope and limits of paradiplomacy in other settings in which the continuum between intergovernmental cooperation, conflict and benign neglect has repercussions beyond state borders in the EU.KEYWORDS: CataloniaBasque countryparadiplomacyprotodiplomacyintergovernmental relationsEuropean Union DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).ETHICS STATEMENTWritten informed consent was obtained from the study participants, who were given a detailed project information sheet to read in advance of our interviews. All persons interviewed were informed about the purpose of the research and they all have given their formal consent to use the information provided. All interviews were conducted in compliance with the ethical standards of the journal. Interviewees 2022b, 2022c, 2022d and 2022e have given their formal consent to be mentioned by name; the others have been anonymised.Notes1 See: https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/STATEMENT_17_3626 accessed June 2023.2 See: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-144917 accessed June 2023.3 See: https://www.catalannews.com/politics/item/junts-members-vote-to-leave-the-catalan-government accessed June 2023.4 See: https://consellrepublica.cat accessed June 2023.5 See: https://www.lasprovincias.es/politica/govern-abrira-seis-20220307115305-ntrc.html accessed June 2023.6 The full statement of Serret can be found here: https://exteriors.gencat.cat/en/ambits-dactuacio/afers_exteriors/delegacions_govern/ accessed February 2023.7 Independentist political party-coalition, Herri Batasuna, was banned in 2003 by the Spanish Supreme Court, in a decision later validated by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in 2009, which declared proven allegations of being financed by ETA and thus organically in abeyance to it.8 See Sandro Pozzi’s chronicle ‘Bruselas rechaza de plano la propuesta de Ibarretxe porque no tiene encaje en la Unión Europea’, El País https://elpais.com/diario/.html accessed June 2023.9 See on RLEG: https://rleg.eu accessed June 2023.10 See ‘RLEG calls for a greater involvement of regions with legislative powers in the policy-making and implementation process in the EU’ in https://rleg.eu/news/rleg-calls-greater-involvement-regions-legislative-powers-policy-making-and-implementation accessed June 2023.Additional informationFundingThis study was conducted with the support of the Coppieters Foundation [grant number EP-FINS-2020-17]. It also received the support of the Research Center in Political Science, University of Minho, through national funds granted by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology and the Portuguese Ministry of Education and Science (UIDB/CPO/00758/2020).
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领跑者和不同的游戏?比较加泰罗尼亚和巴斯克对欧盟的准外交
摘要本文比较了1992年至2022年期间巴斯克和加泰罗尼亚对欧盟的动员情况。通过“准外交”和“原外交”的概念框架来探讨这些地区的对比轨迹。在主要和次要来源的基础上,选择了六个解释变量,并对观察到的模式进行了跨时间的比较。这两种情况都在合作和善意忽视之间交替,只有当这些地区公开表达自决要求时,才会在政治上引起争议;然而,只有加泰罗尼亚事件涉及严重和持久的政治冲突。尽管这些战略是由欧盟施加的更广泛的机会结构构成的,但我们的研究表明,这些对比轨迹的最显著特征深深植根于西班牙政治制度的特质和个人领导风格。这些发现有助于我们理解在其他情况下,政府间合作、冲突和善意忽视之间的连续性对欧盟国家边界以外的影响,在这些情况下,副外交的范围和局限性。关键词:加泰罗尼亚巴斯克国家副外交原外交政府间关系欧盟披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。伦理声明获得了研究参与者的书面知情同意,在我们的访谈之前,我们给了他们一份详细的项目信息表。所有受访者都被告知了研究的目的,他们都正式同意使用所提供的信息。所有的采访都是按照杂志的道德标准进行的。受访者2022b、2022c、2022d和2022e已正式同意被提及姓名;其他人都是匿名的。注1参见:https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/STATEMENT_17_3626访问June 2023.2参见:https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-144917访问June 2023.3参见:https://www.catalannews.com/politics/item/junts-members-vote-to-leave-the-catalan-government访问June 2023.4参见:https://consellrepublica.cat访问June 2023.5参见:Serret的完整声明可以在这里找到:独立主义政党联盟Herri Batasuna于2003年被西班牙最高法院禁止,该决定后来在2009年被欧洲人权法院(ECHR)确认,该法院宣布证实由埃塔资助的指控,因此有机地暂停了它8参见桑德罗·波齐编年史《布鲁塞尔的规划》,网址País https://elpais.com/diario/.html,访问日期为2023.9月。参见“RLEG呼吁拥有立法权的地区更多地参与欧盟的政策制定和实施过程”https://rleg.eu/news/rleg-calls-greater-involvement-regions-legislative-powers-policy-making-and-implementation,于2023年6月访问。本研究是在Coppieters基金会的支持下进行的[授权号:EP-FINS-2020-17]。它还得到了米尼奥大学政治学研究中心的支持,通过葡萄牙科学技术基金会和葡萄牙教育和科学部的国家基金(UIDB/CPO/00758/2020)。
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70
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