Between the Streets and the Assembly: Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democracy in Korea by Yoonkyung Lee (review)

IF 0.3 0 ASIAN STUDIES Korean Studies Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI:10.1353/ks.2023.a908632
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Specifically, the author examines three different pathways through which reform agendas can be realized in politics. Overall, this book makes a crucial scholarly contribution by bridging the intellectual gap between studies on institutional politics and social movements. Between the Streets and the Assembly largely consists of two parts. While the detailed elaborations on the three roads taken by former pro-democracy activists are at the foreground of this volume, the first two chapters successfully pave the way for that highlight by sketching the extensive historical background of Korean party politics and civil society before and [End Page 413] throughout the authoritarian regimes. Covering the political genealogy that has shaped today's political terrain in Korea, the earlier chapters serve as a well-designed textbook for advanced learners of Korean politics and social movements. 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Abstract

Reviewed by: Between the Streets and the Assembly: Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democracy in Korea by Yoonkyung Lee Minyoung Kim Between the Streets and the Assembly: Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democracy in Korea, by Yoonkyung Lee. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai'i Press, 2022. 244 pages. Some of us, who have tasted the enthusiasm of activism, may have probably been driven to despair to see that our desire for social change gets blunted as soon as it is placed on a legislator's desk in a form of a bill. We, perhaps more of us, also wonder how activism mold and empower progressive reform agendas before they are presented to electorates. This volume peaks into what happens in between. Specifically, the author examines three different pathways through which reform agendas can be realized in politics. Overall, this book makes a crucial scholarly contribution by bridging the intellectual gap between studies on institutional politics and social movements. Between the Streets and the Assembly largely consists of two parts. While the detailed elaborations on the three roads taken by former pro-democracy activists are at the foreground of this volume, the first two chapters successfully pave the way for that highlight by sketching the extensive historical background of Korean party politics and civil society before and [End Page 413] throughout the authoritarian regimes. Covering the political genealogy that has shaped today's political terrain in Korea, the earlier chapters serve as a well-designed textbook for advanced learners of Korean politics and social movements. The author casts a question that is particularly intriguing to anyone familiar with the fact that "South Koreans are really good at protesting" (p. 2) and the Korean civil society's high capacity for mobilizing and advancing people's demands on a national scale. That is, "What makes Korean citizens continue to go to the streets to articulate political demands?" and "Why do existing [or newly formed] political parties fail to respond to the people's call for new politics?" (p. 4). Throughout the volume, the answers are given by tracing the three trajectories taken by former pro-democracy activists after Korea's political democratization: remaining in the social movement sector as an activist, joining the centrist party as a politician, and establishing progressive parties from scratch to enter the legislative body. In the first of the three main chapters, the author examines how today's civil society took its shape along with the demise of decades-long authoritarian rule. It is impressively described how the Korean civil society which was previously in unison against autocratic rule embraces the democratic transition and reorganizes itself in a way that can respond to the diversified interests and demands of the public. This preceding process explains how the activist group becomes the most influential and resourceful force, of the three groups being examined, that can systematically produce and push for reform agendas. The author underscores both the "national solidarity infrastructure" (p. 42) that enables a rapid, nationwide mobilization as well as the soft power that fills and circulates the structure with professional expertise. The next chapter demonstrates former pro-democracy activists' entry into the centrist party as politicians and is perhaps the core of this volume. Particularly, this chapter makes scholars of political sociology and social movements its primary audience as it best engages with the puzzle provoked between institutional politics and social movements—"Why do politicians fail to respond to people's call for reforming party politics?" The author probes the structure of political parties which influenced how former pro-democracy activists entered the parties and sought their political careers. In addition to their pursuit for reelection, the politicians' altered relationship with the civic groups with which they were previously associated reveals an interesting dilemma posed in the position of civic groups and their relationships with institutional politics. It is that people's high trust in social movement organizations, while buttressing their [End Page 414] autonomy, also takes its toll by distancing them from institutional politics and the civil society's engagement therein. The alternative journey to establish progressive parties in the legislature is elaborated on in the third chapter, highlighting the lessons learned from their rise and...
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《在街头和国会之间:韩国的社会运动、政党和民主主义》,作者:李允京(书评)
书评:《街头与集会之间:韩国的社会运动、政党与民主主义》,作者:李允敬,金敏英;《街头与集会之间:韩国的社会运动、政党与民主主义》,作者:李允敬。檀香山,夏威夷:夏威夷大学出版社,2022。244页。我们中的一些人尝到了激进主义的热情,看到我们对社会变革的渴望一旦以法案的形式摆在立法者的办公桌上就会变得迟钝,可能会感到绝望。我们,也许是更多的人,也想知道激进主义是如何在向选民展示进步改革议程之前塑造和授权的。这个量在两者之间达到峰值。具体而言,作者考察了改革议程在政治中实现的三种不同途径。总的来说,这本书通过弥合制度政治和社会运动研究之间的知识差距,做出了重要的学术贡献。街道与大会之间主要由两部分组成。虽然对前民主活动家所走的三条道路的详细阐述是本卷的重点,但前两章通过概述专制政权之前和整个独裁政权期间韩国政党政治和公民社会的广泛历史背景,成功地为这一重点铺平了道路。前几章涵盖了塑造当今韩国政治格局的政治谱系,为韩国政治和社会运动的高级学习者提供了精心设计的教科书。对于熟悉“韩国人真的很擅长抗议”(第2页)以及韩国公民社会在全国范围内动员和推进人民要求的高能力这一事实的人来说,作者提出了一个特别有趣的问题。也就是说,“是什么让韩国国民继续走上街头,表达政治要求?”“为什么现有的(或新成立的)政党不能回应国民对新政治的要求?”(第4页)。在整个书中,通过追踪韩国政治民主化后前民主运动人士的三个轨迹给出了答案:作为活动家留在社会运动领域,作为政治家加入中间派,从零开始建立进步政党进入立法机构。在三个主要章节的第一章中,作者考察了今天的公民社会是如何随着长达数十年的专制统治的消亡而形成的。该书令人印象深刻地描述了以前团结一致反对专制统治的韩国市民社会如何接受民主转型,并以能够回应国民多样化利益和要求的方式进行自我重组。上述过程解释了运动团体如何在被审查的三个团体中成为最有影响力和最有资源的力量,能够系统地制定和推动改革议程。作者强调了“国家团结基础设施”(第42页),它使全国范围内的迅速动员成为可能,同时也强调了软实力,这种软实力以专业知识填充和流通这一结构。下一章展示了前亲民主活动人士作为政治家进入中间派政党,这可能是本书的核心。特别是,这一章使政治社会学和社会运动的学者成为它的主要读者,因为它最好地处理了制度政治和社会运动之间引发的困惑——“为什么政治家不能回应人民对改革政党政治的呼吁?”作者探讨了政党结构对前民主运动人士如何进入政党和寻求政治生涯的影响。除了追求连任之外,政治家们与他们之前有联系的公民团体的关系发生了变化,这揭示了公民团体的地位及其与制度政治的关系所带来的一个有趣的困境。人们对社会运动组织的高度信任,虽然支持了他们的自主性,但也使他们远离了制度政治和公民社会的参与,从而付出了代价。第三章阐述了在立法机构中建立进步政党的另一种历程,重点介绍了他们崛起的经验教训和……
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来源期刊
Korean Studies
Korean Studies ASIAN STUDIES-
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
16
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