The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate by James H. Barron, and: Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. by Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς)

IF 0.2 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL OF MODERN GREEK STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI:10.1353/mgs.2023.0005
Konstantina E. Botsiou
{"title":"The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate by James H. Barron, and: Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. by Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς)","authors":"Konstantina E. Botsiou","doi":"10.1353/mgs.2023.0005","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate by James H. Barron, and: Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. by Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς) Konstantina E. Botsiou (bio) James H. Barron, The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate. New York: Melville House. 2020. Pp. xiii + 482. 21 illustrations. Hardcover $31.67. Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς), Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών[A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. Athens: Metechmio, 2021. Pp. 630. Cloth €18.90. Due to a scarcity of archival sources and the aversion of historians, the foreign and defense policies of the seven-year Greek military dictatorship (1967–1974) have not been systematically researched. Although more widely explored than most of the dictatorship’s foreign connections, Greek-American relations during this period are no exception to the rule. Ideologically driven interpretations or “what ifs” hardly substitute for structured analyses of alliances, animosities, and political decisions. As a matter of fact, they strengthen the superficial perception of the junta as a tragic parenthesis in the history of postwar Greece. This tendency is changing, however, and two recent publications are especially noteworthy. James H. Barron and Alexis Papahelas both present detailed accounts of the dictators’ worldviews and actions. They also offer thorough overviews of the Greek political ecosystem in the 1950s and 1960s, where the future dictators thrived. Various continuities and discontinuities with the earlier period place the dictatorship in a historical context driven by anticommunism—and its local version, εθνικοφροσύνη (ethnikofrosyni)—which the colonels took up as their mission when Greek politicians loosened their grip in the era of international détente. Committed to the zeitgeist of bipolarity, the colonels baptized personal competitors as enemies of the state. Barron’s story of Elias Demetracopoulos’s multiple persecutions by Greek and American officials before and during the dictatorship captivates the reader. Demetracopoulos suffered the various types of character assassination that an [End Page 137] assertive journalist posing inconvenient questions would undergo. A prominent example of his research concerned the stationing of nuclear missiles on Greek soil as a result of the “Sputnik effect.” Demetracopoulos maintained many doubts about the Greek government’s denial of any participation in the US program of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which had involved Italy and Turkey before the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962. He believed that Greek participation in the ICBM program would be vital for alleviating the West’s feeling of technological inferiority after the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 1, the world’s first artificial satellite, which suggested that the American soil became vulnerable to a potential Soviet attack (105–110). The refusal to accept the Greek government’s denials severely damaged Demetracopoulos’s relations with the Greek premier Konstantinos Karamanlis (1955–1963). Similar difficulties awaited Demetracopoulos in the US. His close ties with top American public figures were frequently undermined by unforgiving cold warriors who saw in Demetracopoulos a threat to the dominant narrative of law and order. These contradictions underscore the difference that personality can make in any given historical situation. Barron paints a comprehensive portrait of Demetracopoulos, a devoted journalist who earned exceptional resistance credentials as a teenager during the Axis occupation. He later spent his adult life in the twilight zone between censure and shelter by Greek and American agencies and individuals who ranged from committed friends and acquaintances to various top politicians such as Konstantinos Karamanlis, George Papandreou, and Ted Kennedy. In the 1950s, Demetracopoulos had built a reputation as a trustworthy liaison between the Greek media and the American community in Greece. Shortly after the establishment of the military dictatorship he sought refuge in the US via Denmark, acting out of a justified fear that assassination attempts would no longer be limited to his character. Barron’s book stresses for American audiences the Greek dimension of the Watergate scandal. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Reviewed by: The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate by James H. Barron, and: Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. by Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς) Konstantina E. Botsiou (bio) James H. Barron, The Greek Connection: The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate. New York: Melville House. 2020. Pp. xiii + 482. 21 illustrations. Hardcover $31.67. Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς), Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967–1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου—Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο—Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών[A dark room, 1967–1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap—Aegean oil—The role of the Americans]. Athens: Metechmio, 2021. Pp. 630. Cloth €18.90. Due to a scarcity of archival sources and the aversion of historians, the foreign and defense policies of the seven-year Greek military dictatorship (1967–1974) have not been systematically researched. Although more widely explored than most of the dictatorship’s foreign connections, Greek-American relations during this period are no exception to the rule. Ideologically driven interpretations or “what ifs” hardly substitute for structured analyses of alliances, animosities, and political decisions. As a matter of fact, they strengthen the superficial perception of the junta as a tragic parenthesis in the history of postwar Greece. This tendency is changing, however, and two recent publications are especially noteworthy. James H. Barron and Alexis Papahelas both present detailed accounts of the dictators’ worldviews and actions. They also offer thorough overviews of the Greek political ecosystem in the 1950s and 1960s, where the future dictators thrived. Various continuities and discontinuities with the earlier period place the dictatorship in a historical context driven by anticommunism—and its local version, εθνικοφροσύνη (ethnikofrosyni)—which the colonels took up as their mission when Greek politicians loosened their grip in the era of international détente. Committed to the zeitgeist of bipolarity, the colonels baptized personal competitors as enemies of the state. Barron’s story of Elias Demetracopoulos’s multiple persecutions by Greek and American officials before and during the dictatorship captivates the reader. Demetracopoulos suffered the various types of character assassination that an [End Page 137] assertive journalist posing inconvenient questions would undergo. A prominent example of his research concerned the stationing of nuclear missiles on Greek soil as a result of the “Sputnik effect.” Demetracopoulos maintained many doubts about the Greek government’s denial of any participation in the US program of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which had involved Italy and Turkey before the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962. He believed that Greek participation in the ICBM program would be vital for alleviating the West’s feeling of technological inferiority after the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 1, the world’s first artificial satellite, which suggested that the American soil became vulnerable to a potential Soviet attack (105–110). The refusal to accept the Greek government’s denials severely damaged Demetracopoulos’s relations with the Greek premier Konstantinos Karamanlis (1955–1963). Similar difficulties awaited Demetracopoulos in the US. His close ties with top American public figures were frequently undermined by unforgiving cold warriors who saw in Demetracopoulos a threat to the dominant narrative of law and order. These contradictions underscore the difference that personality can make in any given historical situation. Barron paints a comprehensive portrait of Demetracopoulos, a devoted journalist who earned exceptional resistance credentials as a teenager during the Axis occupation. He later spent his adult life in the twilight zone between censure and shelter by Greek and American agencies and individuals who ranged from committed friends and acquaintances to various top politicians such as Konstantinos Karamanlis, George Papandreou, and Ted Kennedy. In the 1950s, Demetracopoulos had built a reputation as a trustworthy liaison between the Greek media and the American community in Greece. Shortly after the establishment of the military dictatorship he sought refuge in the US via Denmark, acting out of a justified fear that assassination attempts would no longer be limited to his character. Barron’s book stresses for American audiences the Greek dimension of the Watergate scandal. Fate reserved for Demetracopoulos a crucial part in the history of both the junta and the Nixon administration, since it was he who came to reveal the Nixon administration’s “Greek connection.” According to his reports at the...
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詹姆斯-H.-巴伦(James H. Barron)所著的《希腊关系:埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯的生平和水门事件的不为人知的故事》,以及亚历克西斯-帕帕赫拉斯(Alexis Papahelas)所著的《1967-1974 年的暗室:伊奥尼迪斯和塞浦路斯陷阱-爱琴海石油-美国人的作用》。 亚历克西斯-帕帕赫拉斯著
评论者:希腊人的关系:詹姆斯-H-巴伦(James H. Barron)所著的《埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯的一生和水门事件中不为人知的故事》(The Life of Elias Demetracopoulos and the Untold Story of Watergate):Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967-1974: Ο Ιωαννίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου-Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο-Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967-1974:伊奥尼迪斯与塞浦路斯陷阱-爱琴海石油-美国人的角色]。作者:Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς) Konstantina E. Botsiou (bio) James H. Barron, The Greek Connection:埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯的一生和水门事件的不为人知的故事》。纽约:Melville House.2020.第 xiii + 482 页。21 幅插图。精装 31.67 美元。Alexis Papahelas (Αλέξης Παπαχελάς), Ένα σκοτεινό δωμάτιο, 1967-1974:Ο Ιωανίδης και η παγίδα της Κύπρου-Τα πετρέλαια στο Αιγαίο-Ο ρόλος των Αμερικανών [A dark room, 1967-1974: Ioannidis and the Cyprus trap-Aegean oil-The role of the Americans].雅典:Metechmio,2021 年。Pp.630.Cloth €18.90.由于档案资料的匮乏和历史学家的厌恶,对希腊七年军事独裁统治(1967-1974 年)期间的外交和国防政策尚未进行系统研究。虽然与独裁政权的大多数对外关系相比,希腊与美国在这一时期的关系得到了更广泛的探讨,但也不例外。意识形态驱动的解释或 "如果 "很难取代对联盟、敌意和政治决策的结构性分析。事实上,它们强化了人们对军政府的肤浅看法,将其视为战后希腊历史上一个悲剧性的插曲。不过,这种趋势正在改变,最近出版的两本书尤其值得注意。James H. Barron 和 Alexis Papahelas 都详细介绍了独裁者的世界观和行动。他们还全面概述了 20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代希腊的政治生态系统,未来的独裁者们正是在这一时期茁壮成长的。与早期的各种连续性和不连续性将独裁政权置于反共产主义及其地方版本εθνικοφροσύνη (ethnikofrosyni)所推动的历史背景中,当希腊政治家在国际缓和时代放松对独裁政权的控制时,上校们将其作为自己的使命。在两极分化的时代背景下,上校们将个人竞争对手视为国家的敌人。巴伦讲述了埃利亚斯-德米特拉科普洛斯在独裁统治前和独裁统治期间多次受到希腊和美国官员迫害的故事,深深吸引了读者。德米特拉库普洛斯遭受了各种类型的人格暗杀,而这正是一个敢于提出不便提问的记者所要经历的。他研究的一个突出例子涉及 "斯普特尼克效应 "在希腊领土上部署核导弹的问题。德米特拉科普洛斯对希腊政府否认参与美国洲际弹道导弹(ICBM)计划持有许多疑虑,在 1962 年 10 月古巴导弹危机之前,意大利和土耳其也参与了该计划。他认为,在苏联发射了世界上第一颗人造卫星斯普特尼克 1 号之后,希腊参与洲际弹道导弹计划对于缓解西方的技术自卑感至关重要,这表明美国本土在苏联的潜在攻击面前变得脆弱不堪(105-110)。拒绝接受希腊政府的否认严重损害了德米特拉科普洛斯与希腊总理康斯坦丁诺斯-卡拉曼利斯(1955-1963 年)的关系。德米特拉库普洛斯在美国也遇到了类似的困难。他与美国高层公众人物的密切关系经常遭到冷酷无情的冷战分子的破坏,这些人认为德米特拉库普洛斯是对法律和秩序主流叙事的威胁。这些矛盾凸显了个性在任何特定历史环境中的不同作用。巴伦全面描绘了德米特拉科普洛斯的形象,他是一名忠实的记者,少年时代在轴心国占领期间就获得了卓越的抵抗资格。后来,他在希腊和美国机构及个人的责难和庇护之间度过了自己的成年生活,这些机构和个人包括忠实的朋友和熟人,以及康斯坦丁诺斯-卡拉曼利斯、乔治-帕潘德里欧和特德-肯尼迪等政界要人。20 世纪 50 年代,德米特拉科普洛斯在希腊媒体和美国驻希腊社区之间建立了值得信赖的联络人的声誉。军事独裁统治建立后不久,他通过丹麦前往美国避难,因为他有理由担心暗杀企图将不再局限于他的个人。巴伦在书中向美国读者强调了水门事件丑闻中的希腊因素。命运在军政府和尼克松政府的历史上都为德米特拉科普洛斯保留了一个至关重要的角色,因为正是他揭露了尼克松政府的 "希腊关系"。根据他在...
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来源期刊
JOURNAL OF MODERN GREEK STUDIES
JOURNAL OF MODERN GREEK STUDIES HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
CiteScore
1.00
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40
期刊介绍: Praised as "a magnificent scholarly journal" by Choice magazine, the Journal of Modern Greek Studies is the only scholarly periodical to focus exclusively on modern Greece. The Journal publishes critical analyses of Greek social, cultural, and political affairs, covering the period from the late Byzantine Empire to the present. Contributors include internationally recognized scholars in the fields of history, literature, anthropology, political science, Byzantine studies, and modern Greece.
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