The Great Power of Small Nations: A History of Contemporary Relevance

IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY WILLIAM AND MARY QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI:10.1353/wmq.2023.a910407
Shannon Speed
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Ellis highlights the long-occluded history in which Chitimachas, Chakchiumas, Mobilians, Tunicas, Ishak/Atakapas, Houmas, and other small nations \"shaped European empires and forged vibrant and powerful nations\" (3–4) and effectively \"steered the course of the development of the eighteenth-century Lower Mississippi Valley\" (4). As a Chickasaw (also of Choctaw descent), I have long been interested in the history of Indigenous and colonial relations in the Lower Mississippi Valley, but The Great Power of Small Nations gave me an entirely new perspective on the history of the region. One important aspect of the book's argument is that flexible residence patterns in what Ellis characterizes as a borderlands space between the larger nations of Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Creek to the east, Osage and Quapaw to the north, and Caddoan polities to the west meant that groups of people regularly moved among and between nations, creating fluidity of spatial and ideational boundaries. The common practice of breakaway groups migrating out of their nations and receiving refuge in another, or, as Ellis calls it, \"fusion and fission\" (5), created new multinational, multicultural, and multilingual communities in which people grew accustomed to residing in close proximity to, and thus relating to, people of foreign nations. She both explores how this system of social relations and community composition was a significant aspect of what gave these small nations their strength and analyzes what this history can tell us about the processes of Indigenous nation building. The first obviously gives the book its title and is important because so much of the written history has focused on larger nations or [End Page 757] confederacies, and the second is what gives this book such broad interest beyond the particular nations' histories it examines. In terms of demonstrating how small nations exercised power, I found chapter 6, \"Imperial Blunders and the Revival of Interdependency at Midcentury,\" particularly compelling (perhaps also due to my own interest in and stronger knowledge of this period of Chickasaw and Choctaw history). This chapter chronicles the Chickasaw Wars, the Choctaw Civil War, and other conflicts, taking the reader through the mind-boggling sets of alliances and changing relationships among the Petites Nations, with the powerful Chickasaw and Choctaw Nations, and with the French and British during the tumultuous and violent 1730s, 1740s, and 1750s. The author skillfully demonstrates the larger powers' absolute reliance on the Petites Nations and the tremendous significance of these alliances in the political outcomes of that era's conflicts. Further, Ellis shows us the practices of giving refuge and sharing territory, particularly in the case of the Chakchiumas, who, through their key role in the conflicts, suffered great losses of both people and political sovereignty but were able to survive after receiving refuge among the Chickasaw. Finally, we see the Petites Nations' crucial role in diplomacy, as the Chakchiumas helped to broker lasting peace between the Chickasaw and Choctaw, who signed a peace agreement in 1759 and never returned to open conflict. Though Ellis's arguments are well supported throughout the book, this chapter demonstrates effectively all her major points. Although the specific histories she sheds light on are fascinating and make the case for the power of small nations, it is Ellis's lucid depiction of Indigenous notions of power and nation building—markedly distinct from European settler conceptions—that gives the book its broader theoretical power.1 Indigenous nation building is something I have been thinking about a lot these days. What were its formal elements, and what made it distinct from Western nation building? 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Abstract

The Great Power of Small Nations:A History of Contemporary Relevance Shannon Speed (bio) ELIZABETH N. ELLIS'S The Great Power of Small Nations: Indigenous Diplomacy in the Gulf South is a remarkable book that sheds new light on the political systems of the "small nations" of the Lower Mississippi Valley in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and provides an important corrective to the long-standing erasure of their histories. Meticulously researched and elegantly written, the book describes the ways that these small nations' unique patterns of settlement and forms of social organization helped them navigate and survive European invasion and colonization. Ellis highlights the long-occluded history in which Chitimachas, Chakchiumas, Mobilians, Tunicas, Ishak/Atakapas, Houmas, and other small nations "shaped European empires and forged vibrant and powerful nations" (3–4) and effectively "steered the course of the development of the eighteenth-century Lower Mississippi Valley" (4). As a Chickasaw (also of Choctaw descent), I have long been interested in the history of Indigenous and colonial relations in the Lower Mississippi Valley, but The Great Power of Small Nations gave me an entirely new perspective on the history of the region. One important aspect of the book's argument is that flexible residence patterns in what Ellis characterizes as a borderlands space between the larger nations of Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Creek to the east, Osage and Quapaw to the north, and Caddoan polities to the west meant that groups of people regularly moved among and between nations, creating fluidity of spatial and ideational boundaries. The common practice of breakaway groups migrating out of their nations and receiving refuge in another, or, as Ellis calls it, "fusion and fission" (5), created new multinational, multicultural, and multilingual communities in which people grew accustomed to residing in close proximity to, and thus relating to, people of foreign nations. She both explores how this system of social relations and community composition was a significant aspect of what gave these small nations their strength and analyzes what this history can tell us about the processes of Indigenous nation building. The first obviously gives the book its title and is important because so much of the written history has focused on larger nations or [End Page 757] confederacies, and the second is what gives this book such broad interest beyond the particular nations' histories it examines. In terms of demonstrating how small nations exercised power, I found chapter 6, "Imperial Blunders and the Revival of Interdependency at Midcentury," particularly compelling (perhaps also due to my own interest in and stronger knowledge of this period of Chickasaw and Choctaw history). This chapter chronicles the Chickasaw Wars, the Choctaw Civil War, and other conflicts, taking the reader through the mind-boggling sets of alliances and changing relationships among the Petites Nations, with the powerful Chickasaw and Choctaw Nations, and with the French and British during the tumultuous and violent 1730s, 1740s, and 1750s. The author skillfully demonstrates the larger powers' absolute reliance on the Petites Nations and the tremendous significance of these alliances in the political outcomes of that era's conflicts. Further, Ellis shows us the practices of giving refuge and sharing territory, particularly in the case of the Chakchiumas, who, through their key role in the conflicts, suffered great losses of both people and political sovereignty but were able to survive after receiving refuge among the Chickasaw. Finally, we see the Petites Nations' crucial role in diplomacy, as the Chakchiumas helped to broker lasting peace between the Chickasaw and Choctaw, who signed a peace agreement in 1759 and never returned to open conflict. Though Ellis's arguments are well supported throughout the book, this chapter demonstrates effectively all her major points. Although the specific histories she sheds light on are fascinating and make the case for the power of small nations, it is Ellis's lucid depiction of Indigenous notions of power and nation building—markedly distinct from European settler conceptions—that gives the book its broader theoretical power.1 Indigenous nation building is something I have been thinking about a lot these days. What were its formal elements, and what made it distinct from Western nation building? The Great Power of Small Nations provides...
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《小国的大国:当代相关史》
伊丽莎白·n·埃利斯的《小国的大国:南海湾地区的本土外交》是一本了不起的书,它对17世纪和18世纪密西西比河谷下游“小国”的政治制度有了新的认识,并为长期以来对这些国家历史的抹去提供了重要的纠正。这本书研究细致,文笔优美,描述了这些小国独特的定居模式和社会组织形式如何帮助他们在欧洲入侵和殖民中生存下来。埃里斯强调了奇蒂玛查人、查奇乌马斯人、莫比里安人、突尼斯人、伊沙克/阿塔卡帕斯人、胡马人和其他小国“塑造了欧洲帝国,打造了充满活力和强大的国家”(3-4),并有效地“引导了18世纪密西西比河下游流域的发展进程”(4)。作为一名契卡索人(也是乔克托后裔),我一直对密西西比河下游流域的土著和殖民关系历史感兴趣。但《小国的大国》让我对该地区的历史有了全新的看法。书中论点的一个重要方面是,在埃利斯所描述的边界地带,东部是奇卡索、乔克托和克里克等较大的民族,北部是奥塞奇和夸保,西部是卡多安政体,灵活的居住模式意味着人们经常在国家之间和国家之间流动,创造了空间和观念边界的流动性。分裂的群体从他们的国家迁移到另一个国家,或者像埃利斯所说的那样,“融合和裂变”,创造了新的多民族、多文化和多语言的社区,在这些社区中,人们逐渐习惯了与外国人民生活在一起,从而与外国人民建立联系。她既探讨了社会关系体系和社区构成如何成为这些小国强大的重要因素,也分析了这段历史能告诉我们的关于土著民族建设过程的信息。前者显然给了这本书的名字,而且很重要,因为有这么多的文字历史都集中在较大的国家或邦联上,而后者则使这本书超越了它所研究的特定国家的历史而具有如此广泛的兴趣。在展示小国如何行使权力方面,我发现第6章“世纪中叶帝国的失误和相互依存的复兴”特别引人注目(也许也是由于我自己对这段契卡索和乔克托历史的兴趣和更深入的了解)。这一章记载了奇卡索战争、乔克托内战和其他冲突,带领读者了解在动荡和暴力的1730年代、1740年代和1750年代,小部落(Petites Nations)与强大的奇卡索和乔克托部落(Chickasaw and Choctaw Nations)以及法国和英国之间令人难以置信的联盟和不断变化的关系。作者巧妙地展示了大国对小国的绝对依赖,以及这些联盟在那个时代冲突的政治结果中的巨大意义。此外,埃利斯向我们展示了给予庇护和分享领土的做法,特别是在查奇丘马人的情况下,由于他们在冲突中的关键作用,他们遭受了巨大的人民损失和政治主权损失,但在得到奇卡索人的庇护后,他们能够生存下来。最后,我们看到小民族在外交上的关键作用,因为查奇丘马人帮助促成了奇卡索人和乔克托人之间的持久和平,后者于1759年签署了一项和平协议,从此再也没有公开冲突。虽然埃利斯的论点在整本书中都得到了很好的支持,但这一章有效地展示了她所有的主要观点。尽管她所揭示的具体历史非常引人入胜,并为小国的力量提供了理由,但埃利斯对土著居民权力和国家建设概念的清晰描述——与欧洲定居者的概念明显不同——赋予了这本书更广泛的理论力量这些天来,我一直在思考原住民民族的建设问题。它的形式元素是什么?是什么使它有别于西方的国家建设?小国的大国提供了……
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
12.50%
发文量
52
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