Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910403
Denise I. Bossy
Matters of Size:Petites Nations, Slavery, and Non-Coalescence in the Gulf South's Overlapping Shatter Zones Denise I. Bossy (bio) IN the early 1760s the Tunica nation numbered roughly a hundred people. They also wielded a geopolitical power entirely disproportionate to their modest size. Over the course of the previous century, the Tunicas had navigated two different waves of commercialized slaving—by the English and then by the French—as well as French colonial settlement and three wars waged respectively by the much larger Natchez, Chickasaw, and Choctaw polities against the French between 1729 and 1750. Next they faced the British and Spanish takeover of former French territorial claims along the Gulf Coast at the conclusion of the Seven Years' War in 1763. They navigated this new period of imperial wrangling over Native lands and alliances much as they long had: through extensive social and political networking and strategic intraregional movements. As Elizabeth N. Ellis skillfully reveals in her illuminating The Great Power of Small Nations, the Tunicas were part of a world of small Indigenous nations whose numbers belie the power they wielded to redirect, contain, and survive the violence unleashed by English, French, and Spanish colonization. Totaling between seventeen thousand and twenty thousand people in the 1670s, the roughly forty Petites Nations of the Lower Mississippi valley each had fewer than a thousand residents, and most numbered just a few hundred. It was by creating multinational settlement regions where discrete polities maintained their political sovereignty that the Petites Nations were able to capitalize on the geopolitical safety and economic advantages usually reserved for appreciably larger communities. Like many other nations in the Native South during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Petites Nations incorporated Indigenous migrants. They also sought refuge as well as offered it to one another. Through this process of accepting migrants and periodically relocating for protection, the Petites Nations built a host [End Page 731] of flexible networks linking them to other Indian nations, small and large. By establishing polyglot, multicultural, elastic provinces, these small nations retained their political and cultural independence while leveraging collective strength through their connections to their close neighbors and their more expansive social and political networks. Over the past two decades, historians and anthropologists have energetically studied the rise and expansion of a pernicious trade in enslaved Native people initiated by English traders operating out of Virginia and subsequently South Carolina from the 1640s through 1715. The prevailing framework for understanding the devastation wrought by the advent of colonial slaving, coupled with the spread of new diseases and the expansion of a protocapitalistic exchange system, is the "Mississippian shatter zone." As conceived by anthropologist Robb
大小问题:南部海湾地区重叠破碎地带的小国、奴隶制和非合并丹尼斯I.博西(传)在18世纪60年代早期，突尼察民族大约有100人。他们还拥有与其规模不大完全不相称的地缘政治力量。在上个世纪的进程中，突尼斯人经历了两次不同的商业化奴役浪潮——先是英国人，然后是法国人——还有法国人的殖民定居，以及在1729年至1750年间，由规模更大的纳奇兹、奇卡索和乔克托部落分别发动的三次反对法国人的战争。接下来，他们面临着英国和西班牙在1763年七年战争结束时对墨西哥湾沿岸前法国领土的接管。他们通过广泛的社会和政治网络以及战略性的区域内运动，像他们长期以来一样，驾驭了这个关于土著土地和联盟的帝国争斗的新时期。正如伊丽莎白·n·埃利斯(Elizabeth N. Ellis)在她颇具启发性的《小国的强大力量》(The Great Power of Small Nations)一书中巧妙地揭示的那样，突尼斯人是一个由小型土著民族组成的世界的一部分，这些民族的数量掩盖了他们在英国、法国和西班牙殖民所释放的暴力中所拥有的重新定位、遏制和生存的力量。17世纪70年代，密西西比河谷下游大约有40个小部落，人口总数在1.7万到2万人之间，每个部落的居民都不到1000人，大多数只有几百人。正是通过建立多民族的定居区，在这些定居区，离散的政治维持其政治主权，小民族才能够利用通常为较大的社区保留的地缘政治安全和经济优势。像17和18世纪南方原住民的许多其他国家一样，小部落也吸纳了土著移民。他们也寻求庇护，并向对方提供庇护。通过这个接受移民和定期搬迁以寻求保护的过程，小部落建立了一个灵活的网络，将他们与其他大大小小的印第安民族联系起来。通过建立多语言、多文化、有弹性的省份，这些小国保持了政治和文化的独立性，同时通过与近邻的联系以及更广泛的社会和政治网络发挥集体力量。在过去的二十年里，历史学家和人类学家一直在积极地研究一种有害的奴役土著人贸易的兴起和扩张，这种贸易是从17世纪40年代到1715年在弗吉尼亚和随后的南卡罗莱纳经营的英国商人发起的。殖民奴隶制的出现，加上新疾病的传播和原始资本主义交换系统的扩张，造成了巨大的破坏，人们普遍认为这是“密西西比破碎区”。正如人类学家罗比·埃斯里奇所设想的那样，这个暴力、奴隶制和疾病的地区从大西洋海岸一直打击到密西西比河的旧印第安人世界。它导致了一个新的时代，其特点是空前的难民主义和人口损失，许多土著人民发现自己被连根拔起、流离失所和被摧毁当难民在17世纪中期涌入小民族的定居点时，小民族第一次体验到奴隶制的影响。到1690年代，他们已经成为奴隶的直接目标，特别是北部的契卡索人，他们与查尔斯镇外的殖民商人合作。这第一波由英国发起的进攻，估计奴役了小民族总人口的百分之十八，或者至少三千名亲属。有些人，如莫比尔斯和托恩斯，几乎失去了一半的亲人成为奴隶。正如埃利斯笔下的那样，从1700年到18世纪30年代，法国发起的第二波奴隶制浪潮对小民族的打击尤为严重。虽然她在之前的学术研究的基础上追溯了这个故事，但她强调了法国奴隶制同样具有破坏性的影响，强调了不仅是英国人，还有法国人“对东南部不断升级的奴隶制暴力负有重大责任”(97)。长期缺乏女性和被奴役的劳工，法国殖民定居者和官员们对被奴役的印第安妇女进行了性交易，并制定了一项猖獗的战时土著奴役政策。例如，在1707年，路易斯安那州的州长发起了一个后来成为…
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910410
Jacqueline Beatty
Reviewed by: To Her Credit: Women, Finance, and the Law in Eighteenth-Century New England Cities by Sara T. Damiano Jacqueline Beatty To Her Credit: Women, Finance, and the Law in Eighteenth-Century New England Cities. By Sara T. Damiano. Studies in Early American Economy and Society from the Library Company of Philadelphia. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2021. 309 pages. Cloth, ebook. On the reverse of a hand-drawn nine of clubs, Benjamin Wickham signed a short promissory note guaranteeing that he would pay Abigail Stoneman, a Newport, Rhode Island, tavernkeeper, the thirteen pounds he owed her. In all likelihood, as Sara T. Damiano suggests in To Her Credit, the two used the playing card to legitimate Wickham's debt to Stoneman in the midst of a game in her establishment. This small piece of paper functioned beyond its intended purpose, at once an integral component of a tavern game, a record of a financial transaction, and a legally binding document. Damiano's analysis of this seemingly quotidian primary source encapsulates her findings on women's financial and legal activities in two eighteenth-century British North American port cities. It is precisely the card's mundanity that signals one of the most important conclusions of her work: free white women were present, involved, and active in eighteenth-century financial and legal affairs. Far from merely recovering the presence of women in those interactions, Damiano underscores the fact that few contemporaries questioned women's financial activities unless they perceived they might benefit from doing so. Importantly, too, "as long as married women's labor and decisions remained uncontroversial, financial and legal records obscured femes covert or subordinated them to their husbands" (30). Thus, the very prevalence of women's financial activities has obfuscated a full historical and historiographical accounting of their presence in the early American political economy. Damiano's work remedies this problem. In To Her Credit, Damiano deftly demonstrates that women were central, critical, and relatively commonplace figures in financial transactions, regularly engaging in negotiations over credit and debt. They appeared both within and outside of the courtroom, in formal and informal ways. Their financial activities were simultaneously "heterosocial and profoundly gendered" (5). Indeed, this study underscores the complexities of the urban economy's influence on gendered spaces in the eighteenth century. The household had significant financial dimensions—such as debt agreements negotiated in homes with family members acting as witnesses—making the public sphere far less masculine in its contours than researchers have conceded even recently. Along with scholars such as Laura F. Edwards and Kirsten Sword, Damiano complicates our understanding of coverture's [End Page 772] impact on women's daily lives.1 William Blackstone's 1765 Commentaries, for example, long cited by historians discussi
作者:萨拉·t·达米亚诺·杰奎琳·比蒂《她的功劳:18世纪新英格兰城市中的女性、金融与法律》萨拉·t·达米亚诺著。费城图书馆公司早期美国经济与社会研究。巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社，2021。309页。布,电子书。在一张手绘的梅花九的背面，本杰明·维克汉姆签了一张简短的本票，保证他将付给罗得岛州纽波特的酒馆老板阿比盖尔·斯通曼欠她的13英镑。正如萨拉·t·达米亚诺(Sara T. Damiano)在《值得赞扬》(To Her Credit)一书中所言，很有可能，两人在她的公司里玩游戏时，用这张牌来证明维克汉姆欠斯通曼的债是正当的。这张小纸片的功能超出了它的预期目的，它既是酒馆游戏的组成部分，也是金融交易的记录，也是具有法律约束力的文件。Damiano对这一看似平凡的主要来源的分析概括了她对18世纪英属北美两个港口城市女性金融和法律活动的研究结果。正是这张卡片的平民性标志着她的工作中最重要的结论之一:自由的白人妇女在场，参与并活跃于18世纪的金融和法律事务中。达米亚诺强调了一个事实，即几乎没有同时代的人质疑女性的金融活动，除非她们认为这样做可能会从中受益。同样重要的是，“只要已婚妇女的劳动和决定没有争议，财务和法律记录掩盖了妇女隐蔽或从属于她们的丈夫”(30)。因此，女性金融活动的普遍存在，使得对她们在早期美国政治经济中存在的完整的历史和史学描述变得模糊。Damiano的研究弥补了这个问题。在《值得赞扬》一书中，达米亚诺巧妙地展示了女性在金融交易中是核心的、关键的、相对普通的角色，她们经常参与信贷和债务的谈判。他们以正式和非正式的方式出现在法庭内外。他们的金融活动同时是“异社会和深刻的性别”(5)。事实上，这项研究强调了18世纪城市经济对性别空间影响的复杂性。家庭有重要的经济维度——比如在家庭中由家庭成员作为证人协商的债务协议——使得公共领域的轮廓远不如研究人员最近承认的那样男性化。达米亚诺与劳拉·f·爱德华兹(Laura F. Edwards)和克尔斯滕·斯伯(Kirsten Sword)等学者一起，使我们对女性日常生活中女性形象影响的理解变得更加复杂例如，威廉·布莱克斯通(William Blackstone)在1765年出版的《评注》(Commentaries)，长期被历史学家引用，讨论女性的秘密，与同时代的法律分析不同，它对女性地位的看法明显保守因此，值得赞扬的是，在塑造对女性金融机构的解释时，我们应该更加小心地赋予女性的地位，尤其是黑石对女性的描述。这本书是关于早期美国女性在政治经济和法庭中的地位的学术研究的交叉点。达米亚诺的研究表明，历史学家需要在他们的分析中考虑更细微的、往往是相互矛盾的结论。她既没有采用衰退模型，也没有过分强调女性进步的重要性。相反，她在“18世纪最后三分之二的时间”中发现了女性金融活动的“坚持和变化”(173)。她认为，一方面，女性作为债权人的地位往往赋予了她们在社区中强于男性的权力;另一方面，他们作为债务人的地位使他们非常脆弱。当然，同样的道理也适用于人:一个人作为债权人的地位赋予了他权力，而作为债务人的地位使他容易被滥用这种权力。达米亚诺调查了马萨诸塞州波士顿市和罗德岛州纽波特市的女性金融活动，这两个繁忙的港口城市的居民“特别熟悉法律的运作”，他们的“法庭内外的法律活动紧密交织在一起”(11)。作者审查了800多份请愿书。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910407
Shannon Speed
The Great Power of Small Nations:A History of Contemporary Relevance Shannon Speed (bio) ELIZABETH N. ELLIS'S The Great Power of Small Nations: Indigenous Diplomacy in the Gulf South is a remarkable book that sheds new light on the political systems of the "small nations" of the Lower Mississippi Valley in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and provides an important corrective to the long-standing erasure of their histories. Meticulously researched and elegantly written, the book describes the ways that these small nations' unique patterns of settlement and forms of social organization helped them navigate and survive European invasion and colonization. Ellis highlights the long-occluded history in which Chitimachas, Chakchiumas, Mobilians, Tunicas, Ishak/Atakapas, Houmas, and other small nations "shaped European empires and forged vibrant and powerful nations" (3–4) and effectively "steered the course of the development of the eighteenth-century Lower Mississippi Valley" (4). As a Chickasaw (also of Choctaw descent), I have long been interested in the history of Indigenous and colonial relations in the Lower Mississippi Valley, but The Great Power of Small Nations gave me an entirely new perspective on the history of the region. One important aspect of the book's argument is that flexible residence patterns in what Ellis characterizes as a borderlands space between the larger nations of Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Creek to the east, Osage and Quapaw to the north, and Caddoan polities to the west meant that groups of people regularly moved among and between nations, creating fluidity of spatial and ideational boundaries. The common practice of breakaway groups migrating out of their nations and receiving refuge in another, or, as Ellis calls it, "fusion and fission" (5), created new multinational, multicultural, and multilingual communities in which people grew accustomed to residing in close proximity to, and thus relating to, people of foreign nations. She both explores how this system of social relations and community composition was a significant aspect of what gave these small nations their strength and analyzes what this history can tell us about the processes of Indigenous nation building. The first obviously gives the book its title and is important because so much of the written history has focused on larger nations or [End Page 757] confederacies, and the second is what gives this book such broad interest beyond the particular nations' histories it examines. In terms of demonstrating how small nations exercised power, I found chapter 6, "Imperial Blunders and the Revival of Interdependency at Midcentury," particularly compelling (perhaps also due to my own interest in and stronger knowledge of this period of Chickasaw and Choctaw history). This chapter chronicles the Chickasaw Wars, the Choctaw Civil War, and other conflicts, taking the reader through the mind-boggling sets of alliances and changing relationships among the Petites Nat
伊丽莎白·n·埃利斯的《小国的大国:南海湾地区的本土外交》是一本了不起的书，它对17世纪和18世纪密西西比河谷下游“小国”的政治制度有了新的认识，并为长期以来对这些国家历史的抹去提供了重要的纠正。这本书研究细致，文笔优美，描述了这些小国独特的定居模式和社会组织形式如何帮助他们在欧洲入侵和殖民中生存下来。埃里斯强调了奇蒂玛查人、查奇乌马斯人、莫比里安人、突尼斯人、伊沙克/阿塔卡帕斯人、胡马人和其他小国“塑造了欧洲帝国，打造了充满活力和强大的国家”(3-4)，并有效地“引导了18世纪密西西比河下游流域的发展进程”(4)。作为一名契卡索人(也是乔克托后裔)，我一直对密西西比河下游流域的土著和殖民关系历史感兴趣。但《小国的大国》让我对该地区的历史有了全新的看法。书中论点的一个重要方面是，在埃利斯所描述的边界地带，东部是奇卡索、乔克托和克里克等较大的民族，北部是奥塞奇和夸保，西部是卡多安政体，灵活的居住模式意味着人们经常在国家之间和国家之间流动，创造了空间和观念边界的流动性。分裂的群体从他们的国家迁移到另一个国家，或者像埃利斯所说的那样，“融合和裂变”，创造了新的多民族、多文化和多语言的社区，在这些社区中，人们逐渐习惯了与外国人民生活在一起，从而与外国人民建立联系。她既探讨了社会关系体系和社区构成如何成为这些小国强大的重要因素，也分析了这段历史能告诉我们的关于土著民族建设过程的信息。前者显然给了这本书的名字，而且很重要，因为有这么多的文字历史都集中在较大的国家或邦联上，而后者则使这本书超越了它所研究的特定国家的历史而具有如此广泛的兴趣。在展示小国如何行使权力方面，我发现第6章“世纪中叶帝国的失误和相互依存的复兴”特别引人注目(也许也是由于我自己对这段契卡索和乔克托历史的兴趣和更深入的了解)。这一章记载了奇卡索战争、乔克托内战和其他冲突，带领读者了解在动荡和暴力的1730年代、1740年代和1750年代，小部落(Petites Nations)与强大的奇卡索和乔克托部落(Chickasaw and Choctaw Nations)以及法国和英国之间令人难以置信的联盟和不断变化的关系。作者巧妙地展示了大国对小国的绝对依赖，以及这些联盟在那个时代冲突的政治结果中的巨大意义。此外，埃利斯向我们展示了给予庇护和分享领土的做法，特别是在查奇丘马人的情况下，由于他们在冲突中的关键作用，他们遭受了巨大的人民损失和政治主权损失，但在得到奇卡索人的庇护后，他们能够生存下来。最后，我们看到小民族在外交上的关键作用，因为查奇丘马人帮助促成了奇卡索人和乔克托人之间的持久和平，后者于1759年签署了一项和平协议，从此再也没有公开冲突。虽然埃利斯的论点在整本书中都得到了很好的支持，但这一章有效地展示了她所有的主要观点。尽管她所揭示的具体历史非常引人入胜，并为小国的力量提供了理由，但埃利斯对土著居民权力和国家建设概念的清晰描述——与欧洲定居者的概念明显不同——赋予了这本书更广泛的理论力量这些天来，我一直在思考原住民民族的建设问题。它的形式元素是什么?是什么使它有别于西方的国家建设?小国的大国提供了……
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910411
Abigail L. Swingen
Reviewed by: The Virginia Venture: American Colonization and English Society, 1580–1660 by Misha Ewen Abigail L. Swingen The Virginia Venture: American Colonization and English Society, 1580–1660. By Misha Ewen. Early Modern Americas. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022. 219 pages. Cloth, ebook. If historians have long taken it as a given that Virginia was important to early American history, they have not generally made similar claims about Virginia's significance to the history of the early English Empire aside from the role of tobacco. There was no comprehensive imperial policy that emerged from the crown or Parliament, for example, as imperial ventures were left to individual merchants, privateers, and trading companies. Aside from the popularity of tobacco, it seemed that the colonization of Virginia had little immediate impact in England itself.1 Misha Ewen's excellent book, The Virginia Venture: American Colonization and English Society, 1580–1660, offers an important corrective by turning from Parliament and members of the Virginia Company to trace, instead, how "English colonialism permeated many layers of domestic society" (2) in the early 1600s. Ewen demonstrates how people from across the social spectrum encountered ideas about colonization in print and sermons and by investing in the Virginia Company, participating in discussions about poverty and indentured migration, and engaging in debates about the right to grow tobacco in England. The result is an illuminating account of how the transatlantic colonial project involved "broad swathes of English citizens" (7) in early seventeenth-century England. Ewen uncovers the involvement of those citizens in England's colonial project by analyzing commonly used sources (such as printed material and Virginia Company records), as well as those not usually utilized (such as Exchequer and Chancery court records, a churchwarden's accounts, and other local records). The book takes several cues from scholarly work analyzing fragmentary evidence about early modern people, mentioning in particular the influence of Marisa J. Fuentes and her careful uncovering of the experiences of the marginalized, silenced, and forgotten.2 It shows that much may be gleaned from the primary sources about how settler colonialism in Virginia was understood and confronted by a wider range of English people than have usually been considered in historical scholarship, including women, poor people, orphans, indentured servants, local authorities, and other potential migrants. The Virginia Venture will likely draw comparisons to another recent book on the impact of colonization of Virginia in [End Page 776] England, Lauren Working's The Making of an Imperial Polity, which focuses primarily on how overseas colonization influenced the ways English gentlemen adopted cultural practices to present themselves as allegedly civilized in relation to imperial pursuits.3 In contrast, Ewen analyzes a wider section of Eng
《弗吉尼亚冒险:美国殖民与英国社会，1580-1660》作者:米沙·埃文·阿比盖尔·l·斯温根米莎·埃文著。早期现代美洲。费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社，2022。219页。布,电子书。如果说历史学家长期以来都认为弗吉尼亚对早期美国历史的重要性是理所当然的，那么除了烟草的作用外，他们一般不会对弗吉尼亚对早期英国帝国历史的重要性做出类似的断言。国王或议会没有制定全面的帝国政策，例如，帝国冒险留给了个体商人，私掠者和贸易公司。除了烟草的流行之外，弗吉尼亚的殖民化似乎对英国本身并没有什么直接的影响米莎·埃文(Misha Ewen)的优秀著作《弗吉尼亚冒险:1580-1660年的美国殖民与英国社会》(The Virginia Venture: American Colonization and English Society, 1580-1660年)提供了一个重要的纠正，从议会和弗吉尼亚公司的成员转向追溯17世纪早期“英国殖民主义如何渗透到国内社会的许多层面”(2)。Ewen展示了来自不同社会阶层的人们是如何通过印刷品和布道，通过投资弗吉尼亚公司，参与关于贫困和契约移民的讨论，以及参与关于在英国种植烟草权利的辩论，来接触到关于殖民的想法的。其结果是对跨大西洋殖民计划如何在17世纪早期的英国涉及到“广大的英国公民”的一种启发性的描述。Ewen通过分析常用的资源(如印刷材料和弗吉尼亚公司记录)以及不常用的资源(如财政部和衡平法院记录，教会执事的账户和其他地方记录)，揭示了这些公民在英国殖民项目中的参与。这本书从分析早期现代人零碎证据的学术工作中获得了一些线索，特别提到了玛丽莎·j·富恩特斯的影响，以及她对被边缘化、沉默和被遗忘的人的经历的仔细揭示它表明，关于弗吉尼亚的殖民主义是如何被更广泛的英国人理解和面对的，比历史学者通常认为的要多，包括妇女、穷人、孤儿、契约仆人、地方当局和其他潜在的移民，可以从原始资料中收集到很多信息。《弗吉尼亚冒险》很可能会被拿来与另一本最近出版的关于弗吉尼亚殖民对英国的影响的书作比较，那本书是劳伦·沃宁的《帝国政体的形成》，后者主要关注海外殖民如何影响英国绅士们采用文化习俗的方式，在与帝国追求的关系中表现出所谓的文明相比之下，埃文分析了更广泛的英国社会，以及它如何与殖民主义互动，并从殖民主义中获得潜在的经济利益。但这两本书都为我们了解早期的英帝国以及弗吉尼亚的殖民主义如何不仅影响了殖民地本身的情况，还影响了更广泛的英国社会提供了急需的细微差别。Ewen首先考虑了17世纪早期的人们是如何通过新闻和信息(以及围绕新闻和信息的不确定性)了解弗吉尼亚的，这些新闻和信息在殖民地传播，并逐渐广泛地传播给英国男女。除了关注弗吉尼亚公司赞助的印刷品，包括布道和歌谣，Ewen还研究了八卦和谣言在构建弗吉尼亚想象中的叙事中的作用。这些流言蜚语来自信件和口头传播，尤其是在港口城市和城镇，通常指的是与殖民地土著人民的紧张关系。这本书还考察了物证的流通，例如殖民者有时送回英国的动植物标本。总之，这些证据共同创造了“弗吉尼亚的图景……在潜在的殖民者和投资者以及更广泛的公众观众的心目中”(34)。这幅图像——这是一种对比，是殖民冒险中的不确定性和潜在机会——为埃文所考虑的剩余遭遇奠定了基础。接下来的两章探讨了英国人在弗吉尼亚公司投资的方式——不仅仅是那些购买公司的人……
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910409
Jennifer Graber
Reviewed by: Cultivating Empire: Capitalism, Philanthropy, and the Negotiation of American Imperialism in Indian Country by Lori J. Daggar Jennifer Graber Cultivating Empire: Capitalism, Philanthropy, and the Negotiation of American Imperialism in Indian Country. By Lori J. Daggar. Early American Studies. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023. 262 pages. Cloth, ebook. In Cultivating Empire, Lori J. Daggar contends that American-style agriculture, as practiced by so-called "civilizing" (3) missions to Native America, played a critical role in U.S. Indian affairs, territorial expansion, and the development of racial capitalism. Beginning with Henry Knox's Civilization Plan (articulated in official correspondence as early as 1789) and continuing through the 1819 Civilization Fund Act, this book highlights negotiations between federal officials, religious philanthropists, and Native leaders that led to dramatic material transformations of Indigenous lands and politics in the Ohio country. Analyzing these relations and the environmental and infrastructure changes they initiated, she argues for the central importance of philanthropy and the ongoing power of Native peoples. This mix of federal policy, public and private projects, and negotiations with sovereign Native nations demonstrates the "blended" (8) rather than unilaterally imposed nature of U.S. imperial power on the periphery. According to Daggar, realizing federal policies from the top depended on engagements by interested parties on the ground. As such, her study challenges cultural historians of religion and reform to consider the material, diplomatic, and even environmental impacts of missionaries and philanthropists.1 Likewise, it calls on historians focused on politics and economics to grapple with the power of philanthropic or religious actors and rhetoric to influence land policies, infrastructure, and the federal budget. And finally, following recent work on the colonial era and early republic, she highlights the ways Native leaders engaged agricultural missions—that is, missions designated to alter Indigenous agricultural practices—from their own traditions of diplomacy and defense of sovereignty.2 [End Page 767] Two phrases encapsulate the power dynamics Daggar aims to highlight and interpret. The first, "the mission complex" (10), encompasses mission activities beyond the evangelistic—namely the educational and agricultural. The term allows her to highlight the "material and economic consequences" (10) of mission farms, schools, and other ventures within the story of U.S. territorial expansion. The second, "speculative philanthropy," highlights the ways mission leaders could be motivated as much by the desire to "acquire economic, territorial, moral, or spiritual capital" (5) as by benevolence toward Indigenous peoples. The author considers specifically how missionaries acted from religious principles, as well as their belief that investments in lands, peoples, and pr
《培育帝国:资本主义、慈善事业与美帝国主义在印度的谈判》作者:Lori J. Daggar Jennifer Graber洛里·j·达格尔著。早期美国研究。费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社，2023。262页。布,电子书。在《培养帝国》一书中，洛里·j·达格尔认为，所谓的“教化”美洲土著使命所实行的美式农业，在美国印第安事务、领土扩张和种族资本主义的发展中发挥了关键作用。从亨利·诺克斯的文明计划开始(早在1789年的官方信件中就有明确表述)，一直到1819年的文明基金法案，这本书强调了联邦官员、宗教慈善家和土著领导人之间的谈判，这些谈判导致了俄亥俄州土著土地和政治的戏剧性物质变革。通过分析这些关系以及由此引发的环境和基础设施变化，她论证了慈善事业的核心重要性以及土著人民的持续力量。这种联邦政策、公共和私人项目的混合，以及与主权土著民族的谈判，表明了美国帝国权力在周边地区的“混合”(8)而不是单方面强加的性质。达格尔认为，从上到下实现联邦政策取决于利益相关方的参与。因此，她的研究挑战宗教和改革的文化历史学家考虑传教士和慈善家的物质，外交，甚至环境影响同样，它呼吁专注于政治和经济的历史学家与慈善或宗教行为者和言论的力量作斗争，以影响土地政策，基础设施和联邦预算。最后，根据最近对殖民时代和早期共和国的研究，她强调了土著领导人从事农业使命的方式——即指定改变土著农业实践的使命——从他们自己的外交传统和捍卫主权。两个短语概括了达格尔想要强调和阐释的权力动力学。第一个是“宣教综合体”(10)，包括福音以外的宣教活动，即教育和农业。这个术语使她能够强调在美国领土扩张的故事中传教农场、学校和其他企业的“物质和经济后果”。第二种，“投机慈善”，强调了传教领袖的动机可能是“获得经济、领土、道德或精神资本”(5)的愿望，也可能是对土著人民的仁慈。作者特别考虑了传教士是如何根据宗教原则行事的，以及他们相信对土地、人民和项目的投资会带来各种各样的未来利益。这两个术语有效地跨越了共和早期学者们有时孤立的话题。全书分为三部分，第一部分着重于“教教合作”的悠久历史(18)。虽然第一章关于西班牙、法国和英国帝国主义的大部分内容对于早期美国的专家来说是熟悉的，但它强调了传教士在帝国政策中的作用，以及阐明帝国扩张的宗教目的的重要性。然后，作者将时间转移到18世纪90年代，对美国扩张的发展模式如何与法国、西班牙和英国的帝国主义做法趋同，以及美国做法分道扬镳的原因进行了惊人的分析。达格尔指出，美国人的永久定居和领土扩张的目标首先把土著民族变成了需要消除的障碍，她发现这一观点在《西北条例》、《贸易和交往法案》和诺克斯的《文明计划》中得到了不同程度的阐述。传教士一直扮演着帝国“中间人和外交官”的角色(46)，在18世纪90年代的新背景下，他们建立了以农业和经济发展为重点的传教点。当我们得知传福音让位于其他问题时，可能并不奇怪，这种模式几乎可以在每个殖民地环境中找到。但令人惊讶的是，达格尔关注这种动态在早期美国共和国的具体后果的方式:她表明，传教士在“改善”(5)和定居者所期望的土著土地最终商品化方面发挥了关键作用。培育帝国然后转向慈善家…
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910413
Carla Gardina Pestana
Reviewed by: A Constitutional Culture: New England and the Struggle against Arbitrary Rule in the Restoration Empire by Adrian Chastain Weimer Carla Gardina Pestana A Constitutional Culture: New England and the Struggle against Arbitrary Rule in the Restoration Empire. Early American Studies. By Adrian Chastain Weimer. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023. 379 pages. Cloth, ebook. The 1660s in New England were once considered diminished and relatively unimportant, a once united and inspired society that had lost its original direction. The 1953 great work of Perry Miller, The New England Mind: From Colony to Province, both began with and dismissed the period. To his way of thinking—a perspective that dominated early American historiography for decades—New England was a society in decline. The initial sense of mission disappeared as the founding generation passed from the scene. Young people failed to join their local churches and the sense of shared purpose fractured with rising concern for material success. Preachers, trying to reverse this dismaying trend, delivered sermons that rebuked the populace, and Miller labeled their laments "jeremiads" after the Old Testament prophet who harangued his people to forgo their sinful ways. New Englanders lost confidence, focus, and unity. He brilliantly illustrated a society in crisis with his treatment of the tribulations of Cotton Mather, son and grandson of illustrious ministers, who frantically labored to defend the witchcraft prosecutions even though he lacked both the information and the conviction to do so.1 In Adrian Chastain Weimer's hands, the 1660s emerge as the opposite of diminished and insignificant. To be sure, as she demonstrates in A Constitutional Culture, New Englanders faced challenges and, like the youngest of the famous Mathers, they struggled over how best to respond. These colonials, however, presented a largely united front that relied upon a common understanding of their circumstances. They shared, she argues, a commitment to a constitutional arrangement that sustained their connection to England, accepted monarchy, and sought local control over institutions. Over three decades in North America, starting in the 1630s, these colonists learned to manage their own affairs in church and state, and they hoped to retain this right. They did not seek autonomy beyond what local control entailed; they did not long for independence or even imagine that such a state was sustainable. They willingly fought for what they did desire, even as they debated the best strategy for achieving their goals. [End Page 785] Weimer sees New Englanders—magistrates, clergymen, merchants, and farmers—as eager to protect a shared "constitutional culture." This culture reflected their view of how their own settlements and their relationship to empire ought to function, valuing local participation in decision making by male householders (who were also typically, but decreasingly, church members),
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910404
Alejandra Dubcovsky
The Great Power of Native Women Alejandra Dubcovsky (bio) ACCORDING to a Creek story, a monstrous earthworm once impregnated the wife of a hunter. Feeling betrayed by his wife, the husband wanted to leave her in the woods, but his sisters interceded. They insisted that the pregnant wife be brought home so they could care for her. But their medicine was not enough, for when she gave birth many earthworms came out of her. These creatures burned down her house and killed the sisters helping with the delivery. The earthworms then wreaked havoc throughout the town and finally buried themselves deep in the ground. The story ends with the monstrous earthworms succeeding, for they, and not the women, "have continued to live there."1 This invasive, sexually charged monster targeted Native women as well as their practices—it exploited how Native women cared for pregnancies, how they decided who entered their towns, and how they dealt with foreign or contaminated entities. I thought about that story as I read Elizabeth N. Ellis's important new book, The Great Power of Small Nations, which tackles a similar monster: the European and American colonizers whose dangerous and invasive forces in North America sought to displace Native people and disrupt their practices. She explores the multiple, long, and violent legacies of colonization in the Gulf South by centering the many innovative and unrecognized ways Native peoples dealt with these earthworm-like Europeans. She invokes a world in constant motion, a world of nonpermanent, multinational settlements that fused together and broke apart, incorporated outsiders and migrants, and managed to sustain their nations despite these violent fault lines. Through these Indigenous diplomatic efforts, the Petites Nations of the Gulf South made and remade notions of belonging. Ellis shows the overlapping, intersecting, and yet ultimately unique histories of each of those nations, arguing that the diverse ways they each established their own land claims, governance, and sovereignty must be explored rather than overlooked. The Great Power of Small Nations focuses on the complexities of Indigenous politics and relationships, privileging Native histories and perspectives rather than European anxieties or fantasies. [End Page 740] Ellis's meticulous work thus offers a new reading of Native experiences with and within enslavement. Although there has been an explosion of innovative scholarship on Indian slavery since the publication of Alan Gallay's groundbreaking The Indian Slave Trade in 2002, few have explored the effects of slave raids and raiding on smaller Native nations.2 Ellis carefully reconstructs the complex struggles of the Natchez, Tensas, Tunicas, Yazoos, Chitimachas, Paniouachas, Tawasas, Alabamas, Koroas, and Apalachees, among others, to address the problem of enslavement by encroaching French and English traders as well as raids by the Chickasaw and Upper Creek peoples. While chronicling the general destabilizat
根据一个希腊人的故事，曾经有一只巨大的蚯蚓使一个猎人的妻子怀孕了。丈夫觉得妻子背叛了他，想把她留在树林里，但他的姐妹们求情。他们坚持要把怀孕的妻子带回家，这样他们才能照顾她。但是他们的药是不够的，因为当她生产的时候，许多蚯蚓从她身上出来。这些怪物烧毁了她的房子，杀死了帮忙接生的姐妹们。然后，蚯蚓在整个城镇肆虐，最后把自己深深地埋在地下。故事以巨大的蚯蚓成功结束，因为它们，而不是女人，“继续生活在那里”。这个侵犯性的、充满性欲的怪物既针对土著妇女，也针对她们的习俗——它利用土著妇女如何照顾怀孕，如何决定谁进入她们的城镇，以及如何处理外国或受污染的实体。当我读伊丽莎白·n·埃利斯(Elizabeth N. Ellis)的重要新书《小国的大国》(The Great Power of Small Nations)时，我想到了这个故事。这本书讲述了一个类似的怪物:欧洲和美洲殖民者，他们在北美的危险入侵势力试图取代土著居民，破坏他们的生活习惯。她探索了南海湾地区殖民统治的多重、长期和暴力的遗产，以许多创新和未被认识到的方式为中心，土著人民对付这些蚯蚓般的欧洲人。她提到了一个不断变化的世界，一个由非永久性的、多民族的定居点组成的世界，这些定居点融合在一起又分裂，吸收了外来者和移民，并设法维持了他们的国家，尽管存在这些暴力断层线。通过这些土著的外交努力，海湾南部的小民族创造并重塑了归属感的概念。埃利斯展示了这些国家相互重叠、相互交叉，但最终又各自独特的历史，认为他们各自建立自己的土地要求、治理和主权的不同方式必须加以探索，而不是忽视。《小国的大国》聚焦于土著政治和关系的复杂性，强调土著的历史和观点，而不是欧洲人的焦虑或幻想。因此，埃利斯细致入微的作品为人们提供了一种新的视角，来解读印第安人在奴隶制下和奴役之下的经历。尽管自2002年Alan Gallay的开创性著作《印第安奴隶贸易》出版以来，关于印第安奴隶制的学术研究出现了爆炸式的创新，但很少有人探讨奴隶袭击和袭击对较小的土著民族的影响埃利斯仔细地重建了纳奇兹人、田纳西州人、突尼斯人、亚祖人、奇蒂玛查人、帕尼瓦查人、塔瓦萨人、阿拉巴马人、科罗亚斯人和阿巴拉契斯人等人的复杂斗争，以解决法国和英国商人入侵的奴役问题，以及奇卡索人和上克里克人的袭击。《小国强国》在记录南部海湾地区奴隶掠夺的普遍不稳定和暴力的同时，仍然坚定地关注它们对小国家的影响，考虑到现存资料的零碎和不完整性质，这是一项艰巨的壮举。最后，埃利斯发现，小民族对奴隶制的反应和解决奴隶制的策略可能看起来与较大的土著民族大不相同，也许更重要的是，在她研究的小民族中并不统一。如果对某些人来说，奴役创造了一个“混乱的世界”(83)，对另一些人来说，它可能意味着安全。例如，在18世纪的头几十年里，田纳西州和奇蒂玛查人对印第安奴隶制日益严重的威胁采取了不同的处理方式。埃利斯指出，“坦萨人的俘虏被其他土著人单独或少量地购买、出售并赠予法国殖民者”(82)，而奇蒂玛查人则被法国人“集体俘虏”(93)，这是他们血腥军事行动的一部分。尽管是邻居，田纳西人和奇蒂玛查人却以截然不同的方式经历了奴役。在探索土著对奴隶制的反应的过程中，埃利斯发现了一个非凡的档案记录，揭示了土著妇女在墨西哥湾沿岸奴隶制故事中的重要地位。对田纳西人来说，妇女是这些奴隶袭击的主要目标，从她们突然出现在法国路易斯安那州的家中和种植园，以及从她们自己社区的明显缺席中可以看出。许多……
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910393
Gunvor Simonsen, Rasmus Christensen
Abstract: Histories of maritime marronage in the Lesser Antilles—the Danish, Dutch, English, French, and Swedish islands in the eastern Caribbean—have often centered on young enslaved men escaping alone aboard intercontinental vessels anchored in the region's port towns. Scholars have paid less attention to the enslaved men, women, and children who escaped their enslavers on one of the many small open boats that were decisive for sustaining life in the region. The ubiquity of small-boat infrastructure in the Lesser Antilles, the complex legal regime put in place to regulate it, and the affordances—that is, the possibilities of action—provided by small watercraft demonstrate the importance of small-boat flight to slavery's fugitives in the Lesser Antilles. Enslaved people—rural and urban, young and old—knew that they had to collaborate to realize the fugitive force of canoes and other small boats scattered along island shorelines. Indeed, maritime marronage was more often carried out in groups than alone. Through time and political turbulence, the small boat allowed enslaved people to pursue dreams of freedom that had an archipelagic character: proximity facilitated knowledge of conditions on nearby islands and sustained or reestablished friendship and family ties.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1353/wmq.2023.a910395
Sharon Block
Abstract: "Rewriting the Rape of Rachel" offers a critical reflection on my own historical practice in light of recent scholarship in feminist, Black, Indigenous, and critical archival studies as well as the growth of digitization and digital humanities. Centering my previously published work as a document for revision, I retell the rape of Rachel Davis by her uncle in the early nineteenth century by placing that act within family, community, and life-course narratives. In doing so, I offer a feminist methodology that centers traditionally marginalized historical subjects, sees archival silences as productive, engages in historical research as a community endeavor, and promotes ethical concerns that connect past and present. This approach reshapes how we might understand sexual violence and questions the terms by which we produce historical scholarship.
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