{"title":"Alliance and sectarian attitudes in the MENA: the case of Arab opinion towards Iran","authors":"Alireza Raisi","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTDespite a growing body of analyses on sectarian tensions in the MENA, few have examined the impact of sectarian attitudes on public opinion towards the regional powers. Drawing from a statistical analysis of public opinion polls and the case study of Egypt and Sudan, the paper examines determinants of public attitudes towards Iran in the post-Arab spring era. The analysis indicates that public attitudes towards the regional player, i.e. Iran influenced by the alliance in the MENA. Although the Arab spring fuelled the negative sentiments towards Iran in the allies of Saudi Arabia, strong ties between Iran and the Islamist rule shaped positive attitudes towards Iran in Sudan. The analysis further reveals the impact of Salafi’s anti-Iran campaigns in Egypt. This campaign utilizes negative symbolism and ethnoreligious myths to depict Shias as an enemy and construct an existential threat from Iran. In this environment, the symbolic politics and emotionally laden hatred in the Arab countries explain the sectarian attitudes towards Shias and Iran. AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank Nukhet Sandal, and Aisha Ahmad for their cogent comments on the earlier draft of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120.Notes1 This growing body of analysis led some scholar to argue that term of sectarianism has lost its analytic effectiveness. As a result, sectarianism needs more specific adjectives such as doctrinal, subnational, national, transnational Haddad, F. (2020). Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World, Oxford University Press, U.S.A.2 This meta-study of new studies of sectarianism in the MENA develops a typology of three groups of studies. The first group completely rejects the existing primordialism and instrumentalism views. The second approach tries to adopt certain elements from each of these existing views, and the third view calls for analytical eclecticism. Valbjørn, M. (2020). ‘Beyond the beyond (s): On the (many) third way (s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism’. Nations and Nationalism 26(1): 91–107.3 Köse, T., et al. (2016). ‘A comparative analysis of soft power in the MENA region: the impact of ethnic, sectarian, and religious identity on soft power in Iraq and Egypt’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 354–373.4 Ciftci, S. and G. M. Tezcür (2016). ‘Soft power, religion, and anti-Americanism in the Middle East’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 374–394.5 Telhami, S. (2013). The world through Arab eyes: Arab public opinion and the reshaping of the Middle East, Basic Books (AZ).6 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. Doha Qatar, The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.7 Ibid.8 Tajfel, H., et al. (1979). ‘An integrative theory of intergroup conflict’. Organizational identity: A reader 56(65): 97.9 Turner, J. C. and K. J. Reynolds (2001). ‘The social identity perspective in intergroup relations: Theories, themes, and controversies’. Blackwell handbook of social psychology: Intergroup processes 4: 133–152.10 Köse, A comparative analysis of soft power.11 Siegel, A. A. and V. Badaan (2020). ‘# No2Sectarianism: Experimental approaches to reducing sectarian hate speech online’. American Political Science Review 114(3): 837–855.12 Norm talk refers to the discussion about what their group is or is not.13 Hogg, M. A. and M. J. Rinella (2018). ‘Social identities and shared realities’. Current opinion in psychology 23: 6–10.14 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.15 Edelman, M. (2013). Politics as symbolic action: Mass arousal and quiescence, Elsevier. P54.16 Valbjørn, Beyond the beyond (s).17 A more detailed explanation of SPT is discussed by Edelman 1971 and Kaufman, 2001.18 Kaufman, S. J. (2006). ‘Symbolic politics or rational choice? Testing theories of extreme ethnic violence’. International Security 30(4): 45–86.19 Kaufman, Symbolic politics or rational choice? P58.20 Gause III, F. G. (2014). ‘Beyond sectarianism: The new Middle East cold war’. Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper 11: 1–27.21 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.22 Al‐Rasheed, M. (2011). ‘Sectarianism as counter‐revolution: Saudi responses to the Arab Spring’. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 11(3): 513–526.23 Gengler, J. (2016). The political economy of sectarianism in the Gulf, JSTOR24 In some countries such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, the sectarian identity entrepreneurs portrayed the Shia opposition as the fifth column and agent of foreign powers i.e. Iran, to justify the suppression..25 In addition to these strategies, hostile rumors against Iran was prevalent after the Arab spring. For instance, a rumor spread that Iran exported poisonous watermelons to Arab countries to massacre Arab citizens. ‘The chief deputy of Dubai police tweeted: “after Iranian poisoned watermelons, all Iranian fruits are dangerous”. Rumors of Arabs about Iranian watermelon’, ISNA News Agency, 5/3/2015, https://www.isna.ir/news/9402130734326 Edelman, Politics as symbolic action, P54.27 Abou-El-Fadl, R. (2015). Between Cairo and Washington: Sectarianism and counter-revolution in post-Mubarak Egypt. Revolutionary Egypt, Routledge: 227–253.Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.28 Mohamed Bassam Yousef, ‘Combating the neo-Safavids (Persian) Project’ cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, Pp12–13, Sep 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.29 IslamQA (One of the most important salafi websites published in 16 languages), ‘The relationship between the Jews and the esoteric sects’ in Arabic, (العلاقة بين اليهود وفرق الباطنية), 9/13/2014 https://islamqa.info/ar/answers/22068730 Muhammad Saalih Al-Munajjid cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P16, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.31 Ibid.32 Abdo, G. (2015). Salafists and sectarianism: Twitter and communal conflict in the Middle East, Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.33 Roy, O. (2004). Globalized Islam: The search for a new ummah, Columbia University Press.34 Darwich, 2019, and Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Ajlan cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P13, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.35 Abdo, Salafists and sectarianism.36 KhosraviNik, M. and N. Sarkhoh (2017). ‘Arabism and anti-Persian sentiments on participatory web platforms: A social media critical discourse study’. International Journal of Communication 11: 20.37 Buehler, M. and J. Schulhofer-Wohl (2021). “The international sources of prejudice against Shi ‘a in the Middle East and North Africa: Original survey evidence from Morocco”. Mediterranean Politics: 1–29.38 Raisi, Alireza. (2019). ”The puzzle of populism in Iran’s electoral politics.” Democratization 26(6): 916-934.39 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). Iran: Construction of a Shia political ideology in the Modern Age. In The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology (pp. 314-327). Routledge40 Ünal, Y. (2016). ‘Sayyid qub in Iran: Translating the Islamist ideologue in the Islamic republic’. Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies 1(2): 35–60.41 Shady Zalat and Hamama, mada, 7/9/2015, ‘Saudi Arabia and Azhar on the Shia Encroachment in Egypt’ https://www.madamasr.com/en/2015/07/09/feature/politics/wikileaks-saudi-arabia-and-azhar-on-the-shia-encroachment-in-egypt/42 U.S. Department of State, 2012 Report on International Religious Freedom Egypt, 5/20/2013, https://2009–2017.state.gov/documents/organization/208598.pdf43 Field, N. and A. Hamam (2009). Salafi Satellite TV in Egypt. Arab Media and Society 8.44 In July 2012 a criminal court ‘sentenced Mohamed Asfour, a Shia, to prison on charges of defaming Islam entirely on the basis of his Shia beliefs’. Human Right Watch, June 2013.https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech45 Matthiesen, T. (2014). The other Saudis: Shiism, dissent and sectarianism, Cambridge University Press.46 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.47 Saleh, A. and H. Kraetzschmar (2015). ‘Politicized Identities, Securitized Politics: Sunni-Shi’a Politics in Egypt’. The Middle East Journal 69(4): 545–562.48 Byman, D. (2014). ‘Sectarianism afflicts the new Middle East’. Survival 56(1): 79–100.49 Kristen McTighe, ‘The Salafi Nour Party in Egypt’, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, 3/26/2014, https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/reports/2014/03/20143261283362726.htmlAlso (Zalat and Hamama 2015) and (Hassan 2015, 256)50 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech51 Ibrahim Al Masry, ‘Al-Nour and FJP clash over Iranian tourism’ Daily News Egypt, 5/13/2013 https://dailynewsegypt.com/2013/05/13/al-nour-and-fjp-clash-over-iranian-tourism/52 As a Salafi leader argues: “It is more likely for an Egyptian to convert to Shi‘ism than to Judaism or Christianity … there is a secret plan behind Iranian tourism, and that is spreading Shi’ism in Egypt”. (Saleh and Kraetzschmar, 2015).53 Free Europe Radio, ‘Egyptian Artists Denounce Ban on Projection of the Movie “A Separation” in Cairo University’ in Farsi 2/24/2012, https://www.radiofarda.com/a/24515862.html54 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech55 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood56 Some reports indicates that Saudi clerics travelled to Egypt before the event and incited sectarian rhetoric. (Mohsen, 2013)57 Ikhwan online, ‘There is no place for Shi’ism in Egypt’ in Arabic, 4/8/2013, https://ikhwanonline.com/article/14515258 Al-Arabiya, ‘Mahmoud Shaaban, warned that Shi’ism had started to spread in Egypt’, 5/16/2013, https://www.alarabiya.net/arab-and-world/egypt/2013/05/16/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D9%8A%D8%AD%D8%B0%D8%B1-%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%AE%D8%B7%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8%B9%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-59 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.60 Brooke’s list experiment study indicates that because of prevalent anti Shia rhetoric, a portion of Egyptians inflate their self-reported attitudes. Even considering this social desirability bias, Brooke analysis concludes that the anti-Shia attitudes are still significantly high in Egypt.61 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood62 Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.63 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech64 Ofcansky, T. (2015), National Security: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P334& P347.65 Shinn, D. (2015), Government and Politics: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P287.66 Lob, E. (2020). Iran’s Reconstruction Jihad: Rural Development and Regime Consolidation after 1979, Cambridge University Press. Pp280–27967 Ibid.68 ‘Were the Israelis Behind the “Mystery” Air Strike in Sudan?’ Time, 4/6/2011.69 Delancey, V. (2015), The Economy: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P158.70 Shinn, 2015.71 Lob, E. (2016). ‘The Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy and construction Jihad’s developmental activities in Sub-Saharan Africa’. International Journal of Middle East Studies 48(2): 313–338.72 Ofcansky, 2015.73 Shinn 2015.74 Salomon, N. (2016). For Love of the Prophet, Princeton University Press.75 Arab Barometer Wave V conducted in September to December of 2018 in Sudan. January 2019: https://www.arabbarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/ABV_Methods_Report-1.pdf76 To prevent the spread of Shia Islam, the Sudan government closed all Iranian cultural centres, and Sudan joined the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and significantly limited ties with Iran after the execution of Shia cleric Al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia.77 Jamal Al Sharif, ‘Salafis in Sudan: Non-Interference or Confrontation’, Aljazeera Center for Studies, 07/03/2012, https://studies.aljazeera.net/ar/node/126078 According to this survey, 9% of the respondent say they belong to Sufi order in Egypt. Pew survey of religious affiliation, ‘Chapter 1: Religious Affiliation’ Pew Research Center, 8/9/2012, https://www.pewforum.org/2012/08/09/the-worlds-muslims-unity-and-diversity-1-religious-affiliation/79 Jonathan Brown, ‘Salafis and Sufis in Egypt’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 12/20/2011, https://carnegieendowment.org/2011/12/20/salafis-and-sufis-in-egypt/8fj480 Telhami, The world through Arab eyes.81 Furia, P. A. and R. E. Lucas (2006). ‘Determinants of Arab public opinion on foreign relations’. International Studies Quarterly 50(3): 585–605.82 The countries included in each wave of the Arab spring are in the appendix.83 Furia, Determinants of Arab public opinion.84 Jamal, A. A., et al. (2015). ‘Anti-Americanism and anti-interventionism in Arabic Twitter discourses’. Perspectives on Politics 13(1): 55–73.85 Gray, M. (2010). Conspiracy theories in the Arab world: Sources and politics, Routledge. Romney, D., et al. (2021). ‘The Enemy of My Enemy Is Not My Friend: Arabic Twitter Sentiment toward ISIS and the United States’. International Studies Quarterly 65(4): 1176–1184.86 Robbins, Michael, How Do MENA Citizens View Normalization With Israel?, Sep12, 2022, https://www.arabbarometer.org/2022/09/how-do-mena-citizens-view-normalization-with-israel/87 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). ”Electoral Participation in Iran’s Parliamentary Politics: Between Two Competing Explanations.” Political Behavior 43(4): 1581-1609.88 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. 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引用次数: 0
Abstract
ABSTRACTDespite a growing body of analyses on sectarian tensions in the MENA, few have examined the impact of sectarian attitudes on public opinion towards the regional powers. Drawing from a statistical analysis of public opinion polls and the case study of Egypt and Sudan, the paper examines determinants of public attitudes towards Iran in the post-Arab spring era. The analysis indicates that public attitudes towards the regional player, i.e. Iran influenced by the alliance in the MENA. Although the Arab spring fuelled the negative sentiments towards Iran in the allies of Saudi Arabia, strong ties between Iran and the Islamist rule shaped positive attitudes towards Iran in Sudan. The analysis further reveals the impact of Salafi’s anti-Iran campaigns in Egypt. This campaign utilizes negative symbolism and ethnoreligious myths to depict Shias as an enemy and construct an existential threat from Iran. In this environment, the symbolic politics and emotionally laden hatred in the Arab countries explain the sectarian attitudes towards Shias and Iran. AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank Nukhet Sandal, and Aisha Ahmad for their cogent comments on the earlier draft of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120.Notes1 This growing body of analysis led some scholar to argue that term of sectarianism has lost its analytic effectiveness. As a result, sectarianism needs more specific adjectives such as doctrinal, subnational, national, transnational Haddad, F. (2020). Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World, Oxford University Press, U.S.A.2 This meta-study of new studies of sectarianism in the MENA develops a typology of three groups of studies. The first group completely rejects the existing primordialism and instrumentalism views. The second approach tries to adopt certain elements from each of these existing views, and the third view calls for analytical eclecticism. Valbjørn, M. (2020). ‘Beyond the beyond (s): On the (many) third way (s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism’. Nations and Nationalism 26(1): 91–107.3 Köse, T., et al. (2016). ‘A comparative analysis of soft power in the MENA region: the impact of ethnic, sectarian, and religious identity on soft power in Iraq and Egypt’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 354–373.4 Ciftci, S. and G. M. Tezcür (2016). ‘Soft power, religion, and anti-Americanism in the Middle East’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 374–394.5 Telhami, S. (2013). The world through Arab eyes: Arab public opinion and the reshaping of the Middle East, Basic Books (AZ).6 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. Doha Qatar, The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.7 Ibid.8 Tajfel, H., et al. (1979). ‘An integrative theory of intergroup conflict’. Organizational identity: A reader 56(65): 97.9 Turner, J. C. and K. J. Reynolds (2001). ‘The social identity perspective in intergroup relations: Theories, themes, and controversies’. Blackwell handbook of social psychology: Intergroup processes 4: 133–152.10 Köse, A comparative analysis of soft power.11 Siegel, A. A. and V. Badaan (2020). ‘# No2Sectarianism: Experimental approaches to reducing sectarian hate speech online’. American Political Science Review 114(3): 837–855.12 Norm talk refers to the discussion about what their group is or is not.13 Hogg, M. A. and M. J. Rinella (2018). ‘Social identities and shared realities’. Current opinion in psychology 23: 6–10.14 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.15 Edelman, M. (2013). Politics as symbolic action: Mass arousal and quiescence, Elsevier. P54.16 Valbjørn, Beyond the beyond (s).17 A more detailed explanation of SPT is discussed by Edelman 1971 and Kaufman, 2001.18 Kaufman, S. J. (2006). ‘Symbolic politics or rational choice? Testing theories of extreme ethnic violence’. International Security 30(4): 45–86.19 Kaufman, Symbolic politics or rational choice? P58.20 Gause III, F. G. (2014). ‘Beyond sectarianism: The new Middle East cold war’. Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper 11: 1–27.21 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.22 Al‐Rasheed, M. (2011). ‘Sectarianism as counter‐revolution: Saudi responses to the Arab Spring’. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 11(3): 513–526.23 Gengler, J. (2016). The political economy of sectarianism in the Gulf, JSTOR24 In some countries such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, the sectarian identity entrepreneurs portrayed the Shia opposition as the fifth column and agent of foreign powers i.e. Iran, to justify the suppression..25 In addition to these strategies, hostile rumors against Iran was prevalent after the Arab spring. For instance, a rumor spread that Iran exported poisonous watermelons to Arab countries to massacre Arab citizens. ‘The chief deputy of Dubai police tweeted: “after Iranian poisoned watermelons, all Iranian fruits are dangerous”. Rumors of Arabs about Iranian watermelon’, ISNA News Agency, 5/3/2015, https://www.isna.ir/news/9402130734326 Edelman, Politics as symbolic action, P54.27 Abou-El-Fadl, R. (2015). Between Cairo and Washington: Sectarianism and counter-revolution in post-Mubarak Egypt. Revolutionary Egypt, Routledge: 227–253.Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.28 Mohamed Bassam Yousef, ‘Combating the neo-Safavids (Persian) Project’ cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, Pp12–13, Sep 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.29 IslamQA (One of the most important salafi websites published in 16 languages), ‘The relationship between the Jews and the esoteric sects’ in Arabic, (العلاقة بين اليهود وفرق الباطنية), 9/13/2014 https://islamqa.info/ar/answers/22068730 Muhammad Saalih Al-Munajjid cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P16, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.31 Ibid.32 Abdo, G. (2015). Salafists and sectarianism: Twitter and communal conflict in the Middle East, Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.33 Roy, O. (2004). Globalized Islam: The search for a new ummah, Columbia University Press.34 Darwich, 2019, and Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Ajlan cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P13, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.35 Abdo, Salafists and sectarianism.36 KhosraviNik, M. and N. Sarkhoh (2017). ‘Arabism and anti-Persian sentiments on participatory web platforms: A social media critical discourse study’. International Journal of Communication 11: 20.37 Buehler, M. and J. Schulhofer-Wohl (2021). “The international sources of prejudice against Shi ‘a in the Middle East and North Africa: Original survey evidence from Morocco”. Mediterranean Politics: 1–29.38 Raisi, Alireza. (2019). ”The puzzle of populism in Iran’s electoral politics.” Democratization 26(6): 916-934.39 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). Iran: Construction of a Shia political ideology in the Modern Age. In The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology (pp. 314-327). Routledge40 Ünal, Y. (2016). ‘Sayyid qub in Iran: Translating the Islamist ideologue in the Islamic republic’. Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies 1(2): 35–60.41 Shady Zalat and Hamama, mada, 7/9/2015, ‘Saudi Arabia and Azhar on the Shia Encroachment in Egypt’ https://www.madamasr.com/en/2015/07/09/feature/politics/wikileaks-saudi-arabia-and-azhar-on-the-shia-encroachment-in-egypt/42 U.S. Department of State, 2012 Report on International Religious Freedom Egypt, 5/20/2013, https://2009–2017.state.gov/documents/organization/208598.pdf43 Field, N. and A. Hamam (2009). Salafi Satellite TV in Egypt. Arab Media and Society 8.44 In July 2012 a criminal court ‘sentenced Mohamed Asfour, a Shia, to prison on charges of defaming Islam entirely on the basis of his Shia beliefs’. Human Right Watch, June 2013.https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech45 Matthiesen, T. (2014). The other Saudis: Shiism, dissent and sectarianism, Cambridge University Press.46 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.47 Saleh, A. and H. Kraetzschmar (2015). ‘Politicized Identities, Securitized Politics: Sunni-Shi’a Politics in Egypt’. The Middle East Journal 69(4): 545–562.48 Byman, D. (2014). ‘Sectarianism afflicts the new Middle East’. Survival 56(1): 79–100.49 Kristen McTighe, ‘The Salafi Nour Party in Egypt’, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, 3/26/2014, https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/reports/2014/03/20143261283362726.htmlAlso (Zalat and Hamama 2015) and (Hassan 2015, 256)50 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech51 Ibrahim Al Masry, ‘Al-Nour and FJP clash over Iranian tourism’ Daily News Egypt, 5/13/2013 https://dailynewsegypt.com/2013/05/13/al-nour-and-fjp-clash-over-iranian-tourism/52 As a Salafi leader argues: “It is more likely for an Egyptian to convert to Shi‘ism than to Judaism or Christianity … there is a secret plan behind Iranian tourism, and that is spreading Shi’ism in Egypt”. (Saleh and Kraetzschmar, 2015).53 Free Europe Radio, ‘Egyptian Artists Denounce Ban on Projection of the Movie “A Separation” in Cairo University’ in Farsi 2/24/2012, https://www.radiofarda.com/a/24515862.html54 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech55 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood56 Some reports indicates that Saudi clerics travelled to Egypt before the event and incited sectarian rhetoric. (Mohsen, 2013)57 Ikhwan online, ‘There is no place for Shi’ism in Egypt’ in Arabic, 4/8/2013, https://ikhwanonline.com/article/14515258 Al-Arabiya, ‘Mahmoud Shaaban, warned that Shi’ism had started to spread in Egypt’, 5/16/2013, https://www.alarabiya.net/arab-and-world/egypt/2013/05/16/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D9%8A%D8%AD%D8%B0%D8%B1-%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%AE%D8%B7%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8%B9%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-59 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.60 Brooke’s list experiment study indicates that because of prevalent anti Shia rhetoric, a portion of Egyptians inflate their self-reported attitudes. Even considering this social desirability bias, Brooke analysis concludes that the anti-Shia attitudes are still significantly high in Egypt.61 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood62 Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.63 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech64 Ofcansky, T. (2015), National Security: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P334& P347.65 Shinn, D. (2015), Government and Politics: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P287.66 Lob, E. (2020). Iran’s Reconstruction Jihad: Rural Development and Regime Consolidation after 1979, Cambridge University Press. Pp280–27967 Ibid.68 ‘Were the Israelis Behind the “Mystery” Air Strike in Sudan?’ Time, 4/6/2011.69 Delancey, V. (2015), The Economy: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P158.70 Shinn, 2015.71 Lob, E. (2016). ‘The Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy and construction Jihad’s developmental activities in Sub-Saharan Africa’. International Journal of Middle East Studies 48(2): 313–338.72 Ofcansky, 2015.73 Shinn 2015.74 Salomon, N. (2016). For Love of the Prophet, Princeton University Press.75 Arab Barometer Wave V conducted in September to December of 2018 in Sudan. January 2019: https://www.arabbarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/ABV_Methods_Report-1.pdf76 To prevent the spread of Shia Islam, the Sudan government closed all Iranian cultural centres, and Sudan joined the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and significantly limited ties with Iran after the execution of Shia cleric Al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia.77 Jamal Al Sharif, ‘Salafis in Sudan: Non-Interference or Confrontation’, Aljazeera Center for Studies, 07/03/2012, https://studies.aljazeera.net/ar/node/126078 According to this survey, 9% of the respondent say they belong to Sufi order in Egypt. Pew survey of religious affiliation, ‘Chapter 1: Religious Affiliation’ Pew Research Center, 8/9/2012, https://www.pewforum.org/2012/08/09/the-worlds-muslims-unity-and-diversity-1-religious-affiliation/79 Jonathan Brown, ‘Salafis and Sufis in Egypt’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 12/20/2011, https://carnegieendowment.org/2011/12/20/salafis-and-sufis-in-egypt/8fj480 Telhami, The world through Arab eyes.81 Furia, P. A. and R. E. Lucas (2006). ‘Determinants of Arab public opinion on foreign relations’. International Studies Quarterly 50(3): 585–605.82 The countries included in each wave of the Arab spring are in the appendix.83 Furia, Determinants of Arab public opinion.84 Jamal, A. A., et al. (2015). ‘Anti-Americanism and anti-interventionism in Arabic Twitter discourses’. Perspectives on Politics 13(1): 55–73.85 Gray, M. (2010). Conspiracy theories in the Arab world: Sources and politics, Routledge. Romney, D., et al. (2021). ‘The Enemy of My Enemy Is Not My Friend: Arabic Twitter Sentiment toward ISIS and the United States’. International Studies Quarterly 65(4): 1176–1184.86 Robbins, Michael, How Do MENA Citizens View Normalization With Israel?, Sep12, 2022, https://www.arabbarometer.org/2022/09/how-do-mena-citizens-view-normalization-with-israel/87 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). ”Electoral Participation in Iran’s Parliamentary Politics: Between Two Competing Explanations.” Political Behavior 43(4): 1581-1609.88 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. Doha Qatar, The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.
期刊介绍:
The British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies is a refereed academic journal published for the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (popularly known as BRISMES). Founded in 1974 as the BRISMES Bulletin, the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies assumed its present title in 1991 reflecting its growth into a fully-fledged scholarly journal. The editors aim to maintain a balance in the journal"s coverage between the modern social sciences and the more traditional disciplines associated with Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies. They welcome scholarly contributions on all aspects of the Middle East from the end of classical antiquity and the rise of Islam.