Alliance and sectarian attitudes in the MENA: the case of Arab opinion towards Iran

IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI:10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120
Alireza Raisi
{"title":"Alliance and sectarian attitudes in the MENA: the case of Arab opinion towards Iran","authors":"Alireza Raisi","doi":"10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTDespite a growing body of analyses on sectarian tensions in the MENA, few have examined the impact of sectarian attitudes on public opinion towards the regional powers. Drawing from a statistical analysis of public opinion polls and the case study of Egypt and Sudan, the paper examines determinants of public attitudes towards Iran in the post-Arab spring era. The analysis indicates that public attitudes towards the regional player, i.e. Iran influenced by the alliance in the MENA. Although the Arab spring fuelled the negative sentiments towards Iran in the allies of Saudi Arabia, strong ties between Iran and the Islamist rule shaped positive attitudes towards Iran in Sudan. The analysis further reveals the impact of Salafi’s anti-Iran campaigns in Egypt. This campaign utilizes negative symbolism and ethnoreligious myths to depict Shias as an enemy and construct an existential threat from Iran. In this environment, the symbolic politics and emotionally laden hatred in the Arab countries explain the sectarian attitudes towards Shias and Iran. AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank Nukhet Sandal, and Aisha Ahmad for their cogent comments on the earlier draft of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120.Notes1 This growing body of analysis led some scholar to argue that term of sectarianism has lost its analytic effectiveness. As a result, sectarianism needs more specific adjectives such as doctrinal, subnational, national, transnational Haddad, F. (2020). Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World, Oxford University Press, U.S.A.2 This meta-study of new studies of sectarianism in the MENA develops a typology of three groups of studies. The first group completely rejects the existing primordialism and instrumentalism views. The second approach tries to adopt certain elements from each of these existing views, and the third view calls for analytical eclecticism. Valbjørn, M. (2020). ‘Beyond the beyond (s): On the (many) third way (s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism’. Nations and Nationalism 26(1): 91–107.3 Köse, T., et al. (2016). ‘A comparative analysis of soft power in the MENA region: the impact of ethnic, sectarian, and religious identity on soft power in Iraq and Egypt’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 354–373.4 Ciftci, S. and G. M. Tezcür (2016). ‘Soft power, religion, and anti-Americanism in the Middle East’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 374–394.5 Telhami, S. (2013). The world through Arab eyes: Arab public opinion and the reshaping of the Middle East, Basic Books (AZ).6 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. Doha Qatar, The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.7 Ibid.8 Tajfel, H., et al. (1979). ‘An integrative theory of intergroup conflict’. Organizational identity: A reader 56(65): 97.9 Turner, J. C. and K. J. Reynolds (2001). ‘The social identity perspective in intergroup relations: Theories, themes, and controversies’. Blackwell handbook of social psychology: Intergroup processes 4: 133–152.10 Köse, A comparative analysis of soft power.11 Siegel, A. A. and V. Badaan (2020). ‘# No2Sectarianism: Experimental approaches to reducing sectarian hate speech online’. American Political Science Review 114(3): 837–855.12 Norm talk refers to the discussion about what their group is or is not.13 Hogg, M. A. and M. J. Rinella (2018). ‘Social identities and shared realities’. Current opinion in psychology 23: 6–10.14 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.15 Edelman, M. (2013). Politics as symbolic action: Mass arousal and quiescence, Elsevier. P54.16 Valbjørn, Beyond the beyond (s).17 A more detailed explanation of SPT is discussed by Edelman 1971 and Kaufman, 2001.18 Kaufman, S. J. (2006). ‘Symbolic politics or rational choice? Testing theories of extreme ethnic violence’. International Security 30(4): 45–86.19 Kaufman, Symbolic politics or rational choice? P58.20 Gause III, F. G. (2014). ‘Beyond sectarianism: The new Middle East cold war’. Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper 11: 1–27.21 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.22 Al‐Rasheed, M. (2011). ‘Sectarianism as counter‐revolution: Saudi responses to the Arab Spring’. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 11(3): 513–526.23 Gengler, J. (2016). The political economy of sectarianism in the Gulf, JSTOR24 In some countries such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, the sectarian identity entrepreneurs portrayed the Shia opposition as the fifth column and agent of foreign powers i.e. Iran, to justify the suppression..25 In addition to these strategies, hostile rumors against Iran was prevalent after the Arab spring. For instance, a rumor spread that Iran exported poisonous watermelons to Arab countries to massacre Arab citizens. ‘The chief deputy of Dubai police tweeted: “after Iranian poisoned watermelons, all Iranian fruits are dangerous”. Rumors of Arabs about Iranian watermelon’, ISNA News Agency, 5/3/2015, https://www.isna.ir/news/9402130734326 Edelman, Politics as symbolic action, P54.27 Abou-El-Fadl, R. (2015). Between Cairo and Washington: Sectarianism and counter-revolution in post-Mubarak Egypt. Revolutionary Egypt, Routledge: 227–253.Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.28 Mohamed Bassam Yousef, ‘Combating the neo-Safavids (Persian) Project’ cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, Pp12–13, Sep 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.29 IslamQA (One of the most important salafi websites published in 16 languages), ‘The relationship between the Jews and the esoteric sects’ in Arabic, (العلاقة بين اليهود وفرق الباطنية), 9/13/2014 https://islamqa.info/ar/answers/22068730 Muhammad Saalih Al-Munajjid cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P16, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.31 Ibid.32 Abdo, G. (2015). Salafists and sectarianism: Twitter and communal conflict in the Middle East, Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.33 Roy, O. (2004). Globalized Islam: The search for a new ummah, Columbia University Press.34 Darwich, 2019, and Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Ajlan cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P13, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.35 Abdo, Salafists and sectarianism.36 KhosraviNik, M. and N. Sarkhoh (2017). ‘Arabism and anti-Persian sentiments on participatory web platforms: A social media critical discourse study’. International Journal of Communication 11: 20.37 Buehler, M. and J. Schulhofer-Wohl (2021). “The international sources of prejudice against Shi ‘a in the Middle East and North Africa: Original survey evidence from Morocco”. Mediterranean Politics: 1–29.38 Raisi, Alireza. (2019). ”The puzzle of populism in Iran’s electoral politics.” Democratization 26(6): 916-934.39 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). Iran: Construction of a Shia political ideology in the Modern Age. In The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology (pp. 314-327). Routledge40 Ünal, Y. (2016). ‘Sayyid qub in Iran: Translating the Islamist ideologue in the Islamic republic’. Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies 1(2): 35–60.41 Shady Zalat and Hamama, mada, 7/9/2015, ‘Saudi Arabia and Azhar on the Shia Encroachment in Egypt’ https://www.madamasr.com/en/2015/07/09/feature/politics/wikileaks-saudi-arabia-and-azhar-on-the-shia-encroachment-in-egypt/42 U.S. Department of State, 2012 Report on International Religious Freedom Egypt, 5/20/2013, https://2009–2017.state.gov/documents/organization/208598.pdf43 Field, N. and A. Hamam (2009). Salafi Satellite TV in Egypt. Arab Media and Society 8.44 In July 2012 a criminal court ‘sentenced Mohamed Asfour, a Shia, to prison on charges of defaming Islam entirely on the basis of his Shia beliefs’. Human Right Watch, June 2013.https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech45 Matthiesen, T. (2014). The other Saudis: Shiism, dissent and sectarianism, Cambridge University Press.46 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.47 Saleh, A. and H. Kraetzschmar (2015). ‘Politicized Identities, Securitized Politics: Sunni-Shi’a Politics in Egypt’. The Middle East Journal 69(4): 545–562.48 Byman, D. (2014). ‘Sectarianism afflicts the new Middle East’. Survival 56(1): 79–100.49 Kristen McTighe, ‘The Salafi Nour Party in Egypt’, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, 3/26/2014, https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/reports/2014/03/20143261283362726.htmlAlso (Zalat and Hamama 2015) and (Hassan 2015, 256)50 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech51 Ibrahim Al Masry, ‘Al-Nour and FJP clash over Iranian tourism’ Daily News Egypt, 5/13/2013 https://dailynewsegypt.com/2013/05/13/al-nour-and-fjp-clash-over-iranian-tourism/52 As a Salafi leader argues: “It is more likely for an Egyptian to convert to Shi‘ism than to Judaism or Christianity … there is a secret plan behind Iranian tourism, and that is spreading Shi’ism in Egypt”. (Saleh and Kraetzschmar, 2015).53 Free Europe Radio, ‘Egyptian Artists Denounce Ban on Projection of the Movie “A Separation” in Cairo University’ in Farsi 2/24/2012, https://www.radiofarda.com/a/24515862.html54 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech55 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood56 Some reports indicates that Saudi clerics travelled to Egypt before the event and incited sectarian rhetoric. (Mohsen, 2013)57 Ikhwan online, ‘There is no place for Shi’ism in Egypt’ in Arabic, 4/8/2013, https://ikhwanonline.com/article/14515258 Al-Arabiya, ‘Mahmoud Shaaban, warned that Shi’ism had started to spread in Egypt’, 5/16/2013, https://www.alarabiya.net/arab-and-world/egypt/2013/05/16/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D9%8A%D8%AD%D8%B0%D8%B1-%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%AE%D8%B7%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8%B9%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-59 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.60 Brooke’s list experiment study indicates that because of prevalent anti Shia rhetoric, a portion of Egyptians inflate their self-reported attitudes. Even considering this social desirability bias, Brooke analysis concludes that the anti-Shia attitudes are still significantly high in Egypt.61 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood62 Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.63 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech64 Ofcansky, T. (2015), National Security: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P334& P347.65 Shinn, D. (2015), Government and Politics: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P287.66 Lob, E. (2020). Iran’s Reconstruction Jihad: Rural Development and Regime Consolidation after 1979, Cambridge University Press. Pp280–27967 Ibid.68 ‘Were the Israelis Behind the “Mystery” Air Strike in Sudan?’ Time, 4/6/2011.69 Delancey, V. (2015), The Economy: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P158.70 Shinn, 2015.71 Lob, E. (2016). ‘The Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy and construction Jihad’s developmental activities in Sub-Saharan Africa’. International Journal of Middle East Studies 48(2): 313–338.72 Ofcansky, 2015.73 Shinn 2015.74 Salomon, N. (2016). For Love of the Prophet, Princeton University Press.75 Arab Barometer Wave V conducted in September to December of 2018 in Sudan. January 2019: https://www.arabbarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/ABV_Methods_Report-1.pdf76 To prevent the spread of Shia Islam, the Sudan government closed all Iranian cultural centres, and Sudan joined the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and significantly limited ties with Iran after the execution of Shia cleric Al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia.77 Jamal Al Sharif, ‘Salafis in Sudan: Non-Interference or Confrontation’, Aljazeera Center for Studies, 07/03/2012, https://studies.aljazeera.net/ar/node/126078 According to this survey, 9% of the respondent say they belong to Sufi order in Egypt. Pew survey of religious affiliation, ‘Chapter 1: Religious Affiliation’ Pew Research Center, 8/9/2012, https://www.pewforum.org/2012/08/09/the-worlds-muslims-unity-and-diversity-1-religious-affiliation/79 Jonathan Brown, ‘Salafis and Sufis in Egypt’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 12/20/2011, https://carnegieendowment.org/2011/12/20/salafis-and-sufis-in-egypt/8fj480 Telhami, The world through Arab eyes.81 Furia, P. A. and R. E. Lucas (2006). ‘Determinants of Arab public opinion on foreign relations’. International Studies Quarterly 50(3): 585–605.82 The countries included in each wave of the Arab spring are in the appendix.83 Furia, Determinants of Arab public opinion.84 Jamal, A. A., et al. (2015). ‘Anti-Americanism and anti-interventionism in Arabic Twitter discourses’. Perspectives on Politics 13(1): 55–73.85 Gray, M. (2010). Conspiracy theories in the Arab world: Sources and politics, Routledge. Romney, D., et al. (2021). ‘The Enemy of My Enemy Is Not My Friend: Arabic Twitter Sentiment toward ISIS and the United States’. International Studies Quarterly 65(4): 1176–1184.86 Robbins, Michael, How Do MENA Citizens View Normalization With Israel?, Sep12, 2022, https://www.arabbarometer.org/2022/09/how-do-mena-citizens-view-normalization-with-israel/87 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). ”Electoral Participation in Iran’s Parliamentary Politics: Between Two Competing Explanations.” Political Behavior 43(4): 1581-1609.88 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

ABSTRACTDespite a growing body of analyses on sectarian tensions in the MENA, few have examined the impact of sectarian attitudes on public opinion towards the regional powers. Drawing from a statistical analysis of public opinion polls and the case study of Egypt and Sudan, the paper examines determinants of public attitudes towards Iran in the post-Arab spring era. The analysis indicates that public attitudes towards the regional player, i.e. Iran influenced by the alliance in the MENA. Although the Arab spring fuelled the negative sentiments towards Iran in the allies of Saudi Arabia, strong ties between Iran and the Islamist rule shaped positive attitudes towards Iran in Sudan. The analysis further reveals the impact of Salafi’s anti-Iran campaigns in Egypt. This campaign utilizes negative symbolism and ethnoreligious myths to depict Shias as an enemy and construct an existential threat from Iran. In this environment, the symbolic politics and emotionally laden hatred in the Arab countries explain the sectarian attitudes towards Shias and Iran. AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank Nukhet Sandal, and Aisha Ahmad for their cogent comments on the earlier draft of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120.Notes1 This growing body of analysis led some scholar to argue that term of sectarianism has lost its analytic effectiveness. As a result, sectarianism needs more specific adjectives such as doctrinal, subnational, national, transnational Haddad, F. (2020). Understanding ‘Sectarianism’: Sunni-Shi’a Relations in the Modern Arab World, Oxford University Press, U.S.A.2 This meta-study of new studies of sectarianism in the MENA develops a typology of three groups of studies. The first group completely rejects the existing primordialism and instrumentalism views. The second approach tries to adopt certain elements from each of these existing views, and the third view calls for analytical eclecticism. Valbjørn, M. (2020). ‘Beyond the beyond (s): On the (many) third way (s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism’. Nations and Nationalism 26(1): 91–107.3 Köse, T., et al. (2016). ‘A comparative analysis of soft power in the MENA region: the impact of ethnic, sectarian, and religious identity on soft power in Iraq and Egypt’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 354–373.4 Ciftci, S. and G. M. Tezcür (2016). ‘Soft power, religion, and anti-Americanism in the Middle East’. Foreign Policy Analysis 12(3): 374–394.5 Telhami, S. (2013). The world through Arab eyes: Arab public opinion and the reshaping of the Middle East, Basic Books (AZ).6 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. Doha Qatar, The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.7 Ibid.8 Tajfel, H., et al. (1979). ‘An integrative theory of intergroup conflict’. Organizational identity: A reader 56(65): 97.9 Turner, J. C. and K. J. Reynolds (2001). ‘The social identity perspective in intergroup relations: Theories, themes, and controversies’. Blackwell handbook of social psychology: Intergroup processes 4: 133–152.10 Köse, A comparative analysis of soft power.11 Siegel, A. A. and V. Badaan (2020). ‘# No2Sectarianism: Experimental approaches to reducing sectarian hate speech online’. American Political Science Review 114(3): 837–855.12 Norm talk refers to the discussion about what their group is or is not.13 Hogg, M. A. and M. J. Rinella (2018). ‘Social identities and shared realities’. Current opinion in psychology 23: 6–10.14 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.15 Edelman, M. (2013). Politics as symbolic action: Mass arousal and quiescence, Elsevier. P54.16 Valbjørn, Beyond the beyond (s).17 A more detailed explanation of SPT is discussed by Edelman 1971 and Kaufman, 2001.18 Kaufman, S. J. (2006). ‘Symbolic politics or rational choice? Testing theories of extreme ethnic violence’. International Security 30(4): 45–86.19 Kaufman, Symbolic politics or rational choice? P58.20 Gause III, F. G. (2014). ‘Beyond sectarianism: The new Middle East cold war’. Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper 11: 1–27.21 Siegel, # No2Sectarianism.22 Al‐Rasheed, M. (2011). ‘Sectarianism as counter‐revolution: Saudi responses to the Arab Spring’. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 11(3): 513–526.23 Gengler, J. (2016). The political economy of sectarianism in the Gulf, JSTOR24 In some countries such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, the sectarian identity entrepreneurs portrayed the Shia opposition as the fifth column and agent of foreign powers i.e. Iran, to justify the suppression..25 In addition to these strategies, hostile rumors against Iran was prevalent after the Arab spring. For instance, a rumor spread that Iran exported poisonous watermelons to Arab countries to massacre Arab citizens. ‘The chief deputy of Dubai police tweeted: “after Iranian poisoned watermelons, all Iranian fruits are dangerous”. Rumors of Arabs about Iranian watermelon’, ISNA News Agency, 5/3/2015, https://www.isna.ir/news/9402130734326 Edelman, Politics as symbolic action, P54.27 Abou-El-Fadl, R. (2015). Between Cairo and Washington: Sectarianism and counter-revolution in post-Mubarak Egypt. Revolutionary Egypt, Routledge: 227–253.Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.28 Mohamed Bassam Yousef, ‘Combating the neo-Safavids (Persian) Project’ cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, Pp12–13, Sep 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.29 IslamQA (One of the most important salafi websites published in 16 languages), ‘The relationship between the Jews and the esoteric sects’ in Arabic, (العلاقة بين اليهود وفرق الباطنية), 9/13/2014 https://islamqa.info/ar/answers/22068730 Muhammad Saalih Al-Munajjid cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P16, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.31 Ibid.32 Abdo, G. (2015). Salafists and sectarianism: Twitter and communal conflict in the Middle East, Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.33 Roy, O. (2004). Globalized Islam: The search for a new ummah, Columbia University Press.34 Darwich, 2019, and Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Ajlan cited in Ali Al-Ahmed, ‘Official Saudi Pipeline of Hate’, P13, Sep, 2020. The Institute for Gulf Affairs.35 Abdo, Salafists and sectarianism.36 KhosraviNik, M. and N. Sarkhoh (2017). ‘Arabism and anti-Persian sentiments on participatory web platforms: A social media critical discourse study’. International Journal of Communication 11: 20.37 Buehler, M. and J. Schulhofer-Wohl (2021). “The international sources of prejudice against Shi ‘a in the Middle East and North Africa: Original survey evidence from Morocco”. Mediterranean Politics: 1–29.38 Raisi, Alireza. (2019). ”The puzzle of populism in Iran’s electoral politics.” Democratization 26(6): 916-934.39 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). Iran: Construction of a Shia political ideology in the Modern Age. In The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology (pp. 314-327). Routledge40 Ünal, Y. (2016). ‘Sayyid qub in Iran: Translating the Islamist ideologue in the Islamic republic’. Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies 1(2): 35–60.41 Shady Zalat and Hamama, mada, 7/9/2015, ‘Saudi Arabia and Azhar on the Shia Encroachment in Egypt’ https://www.madamasr.com/en/2015/07/09/feature/politics/wikileaks-saudi-arabia-and-azhar-on-the-shia-encroachment-in-egypt/42 U.S. Department of State, 2012 Report on International Religious Freedom Egypt, 5/20/2013, https://2009–2017.state.gov/documents/organization/208598.pdf43 Field, N. and A. Hamam (2009). Salafi Satellite TV in Egypt. Arab Media and Society 8.44 In July 2012 a criminal court ‘sentenced Mohamed Asfour, a Shia, to prison on charges of defaming Islam entirely on the basis of his Shia beliefs’. Human Right Watch, June 2013.https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech45 Matthiesen, T. (2014). The other Saudis: Shiism, dissent and sectarianism, Cambridge University Press.46 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.47 Saleh, A. and H. Kraetzschmar (2015). ‘Politicized Identities, Securitized Politics: Sunni-Shi’a Politics in Egypt’. The Middle East Journal 69(4): 545–562.48 Byman, D. (2014). ‘Sectarianism afflicts the new Middle East’. Survival 56(1): 79–100.49 Kristen McTighe, ‘The Salafi Nour Party in Egypt’, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, 3/26/2014, https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/reports/2014/03/20143261283362726.htmlAlso (Zalat and Hamama 2015) and (Hassan 2015, 256)50 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech51 Ibrahim Al Masry, ‘Al-Nour and FJP clash over Iranian tourism’ Daily News Egypt, 5/13/2013 https://dailynewsegypt.com/2013/05/13/al-nour-and-fjp-clash-over-iranian-tourism/52 As a Salafi leader argues: “It is more likely for an Egyptian to convert to Shi‘ism than to Judaism or Christianity … there is a secret plan behind Iranian tourism, and that is spreading Shi’ism in Egypt”. (Saleh and Kraetzschmar, 2015).53 Free Europe Radio, ‘Egyptian Artists Denounce Ban on Projection of the Movie “A Separation” in Cairo University’ in Farsi 2/24/2012, https://www.radiofarda.com/a/24515862.html54 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech55 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood56 Some reports indicates that Saudi clerics travelled to Egypt before the event and incited sectarian rhetoric. (Mohsen, 2013)57 Ikhwan online, ‘There is no place for Shi’ism in Egypt’ in Arabic, 4/8/2013, https://ikhwanonline.com/article/14515258 Al-Arabiya, ‘Mahmoud Shaaban, warned that Shi’ism had started to spread in Egypt’, 5/16/2013, https://www.alarabiya.net/arab-and-world/egypt/2013/05/16/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D9%8A%D8%AD%D8%B0%D8%B1-%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%AE%D8%B7%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8%B9%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-59 Brooke, S. (2017). ‘Sectarianism and social conformity: Evidence from Egypt’. Political Research Quarterly 70(4): 848–860.60 Brooke’s list experiment study indicates that because of prevalent anti Shia rhetoric, a portion of Egyptians inflate their self-reported attitudes. Even considering this social desirability bias, Brooke analysis concludes that the anti-Shia attitudes are still significantly high in Egypt.61 Sherene Seikaly and Adel Iskandar, “Between Inaction and Complicity the Shi‘a and the Brotherhood”, 6/29/2013, Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood62 Hassan, A. F. (2015). Media, revolution and politics in Egypt: The story of an uprising, Bloomsbury Publishing.63 Human Rights Watch, ‘Lynching of Shia Follows Months of Hate Speech’, 06/27/2013, https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech64 Ofcansky, T. (2015), National Security: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P334& P347.65 Shinn, D. (2015), Government and Politics: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P287.66 Lob, E. (2020). Iran’s Reconstruction Jihad: Rural Development and Regime Consolidation after 1979, Cambridge University Press. Pp280–27967 Ibid.68 ‘Were the Israelis Behind the “Mystery” Air Strike in Sudan?’ Time, 4/6/2011.69 Delancey, V. (2015), The Economy: Sudan. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress; P158.70 Shinn, 2015.71 Lob, E. (2016). ‘The Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy and construction Jihad’s developmental activities in Sub-Saharan Africa’. International Journal of Middle East Studies 48(2): 313–338.72 Ofcansky, 2015.73 Shinn 2015.74 Salomon, N. (2016). For Love of the Prophet, Princeton University Press.75 Arab Barometer Wave V conducted in September to December of 2018 in Sudan. January 2019: https://www.arabbarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/ABV_Methods_Report-1.pdf76 To prevent the spread of Shia Islam, the Sudan government closed all Iranian cultural centres, and Sudan joined the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and significantly limited ties with Iran after the execution of Shia cleric Al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia.77 Jamal Al Sharif, ‘Salafis in Sudan: Non-Interference or Confrontation’, Aljazeera Center for Studies, 07/03/2012, https://studies.aljazeera.net/ar/node/126078 According to this survey, 9% of the respondent say they belong to Sufi order in Egypt. Pew survey of religious affiliation, ‘Chapter 1: Religious Affiliation’ Pew Research Center, 8/9/2012, https://www.pewforum.org/2012/08/09/the-worlds-muslims-unity-and-diversity-1-religious-affiliation/79 Jonathan Brown, ‘Salafis and Sufis in Egypt’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 12/20/2011, https://carnegieendowment.org/2011/12/20/salafis-and-sufis-in-egypt/8fj480 Telhami, The world through Arab eyes.81 Furia, P. A. and R. E. Lucas (2006). ‘Determinants of Arab public opinion on foreign relations’. International Studies Quarterly 50(3): 585–605.82 The countries included in each wave of the Arab spring are in the appendix.83 Furia, Determinants of Arab public opinion.84 Jamal, A. A., et al. (2015). ‘Anti-Americanism and anti-interventionism in Arabic Twitter discourses’. Perspectives on Politics 13(1): 55–73.85 Gray, M. (2010). Conspiracy theories in the Arab world: Sources and politics, Routledge. Romney, D., et al. (2021). ‘The Enemy of My Enemy Is Not My Friend: Arabic Twitter Sentiment toward ISIS and the United States’. International Studies Quarterly 65(4): 1176–1184.86 Robbins, Michael, How Do MENA Citizens View Normalization With Israel?, Sep12, 2022, https://www.arabbarometer.org/2022/09/how-do-mena-citizens-view-normalization-with-israel/87 Raisi, Alireza. (2021). ”Electoral Participation in Iran’s Parliamentary Politics: Between Two Competing Explanations.” Political Behavior 43(4): 1581-1609.88 Kamrava, M. and Dorzadeh, H. (2020). Arab Opinion Toward Iran 2019/2020. Doha Qatar, The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.
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中东和北非地区的联盟和宗派态度:阿拉伯对伊朗的看法
尽管对中东和北非地区宗派紧张局势的分析越来越多,但很少有人研究宗派态度对公众舆论对地区大国的影响。通过对民意调查的统计分析以及对埃及和苏丹的案例研究,本文探讨了后阿拉伯之春时代公众对伊朗态度的决定因素。分析表明,公众对地区参与者的态度,即受中东和北非联盟影响的伊朗。尽管阿拉伯之春在沙特阿拉伯的盟友中助长了对伊朗的负面情绪,但伊朗与伊斯兰统治之间的紧密联系在苏丹形成了对伊朗的积极态度。分析进一步揭示了萨拉菲反伊朗运动在埃及的影响。这场运动利用消极的象征主义和民族宗教神话,将什叶派描绘成敌人,并构建来自伊朗的生存威胁。在这种环境下,阿拉伯国家的象征性政治和充满情感的仇恨解释了对什叶派和伊朗的宗派态度。作者要感谢Nukhet Sandal和Aisha Ahmad对本文早期草稿提出的令人信服的意见。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。这篇文章的补充资料可以在https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2023.2251120.Notes1网站上获得。越来越多的分析导致一些学者认为,宗派主义一词已经失去了分析的有效性。因此,宗派主义需要更具体的形容词,如教义的,次国家的,国家的,跨国的哈达德,F.(2020)。《理解“宗派主义”:现代阿拉伯世界的逊尼派-什叶派关系》,牛津大学出版社,美国,第2期本元研究的宗派主义的新研究在中东和北非地区发展了三组研究的类型学。第一派完全反对现存的原始主义和工具主义观点。第二种方法试图从这些现有的观点中采纳某些元素,第三种观点要求分析折衷主义。王晓明,王晓明(2020)。超越超越:宗派主义研究中超越原始主义和工具主义的(许多)第三条道路王晓东,王晓东等。民族与民族主义26(1):91-107.3 Köse。“中东和北非地区软实力的比较分析:种族、宗派和宗教认同对伊拉克和埃及软实力的影响”。李建军,张建军,张建军(2016).外交政策分析,第3期:354-373.4。“中东软实力、宗教和反美主义”。张国强,张国强。外交政策分析(3):374-394.5。《阿拉伯人眼中的世界:阿拉伯舆论与中东的重塑》,《基础图书》第6期Kamrava, M.和Dorzadeh, H.(2020)。阿拉伯对伊朗的看法2019/2020。多哈卡塔尔,阿拉伯研究与政策研究中心。同上。8 Tajfel, H.等(1979)。“群体间冲突的综合理论”。李建军,李建军(2001)。组织认同:一个读者56(65):97.9。“群体间关系中的社会认同视角:理论、主题和争议”。[11] Blackwell社会心理学手册:群体间过程4:133-152.10 Köse,软实力的比较分析西格尔,a.a.和V. Badaan(2020)。“# 2宗派主义:减少网上宗派仇恨言论的实验方法”。美国政治科学评论114(3):837-855.12规范谈话是指关于他们的群体是什么或不是什么的讨论Hogg, m.a.和m.j. Rinella(2018)。“社会身份和共同现实”。心理学的当前观点23:6-10.14西格尔,# 2宗派主义Edelman, M.(2013)。政治作为象征性行动:大众觉醒与沉默,爱思唯尔。[54.16] Valbjørn,超越超越(s)Edelman(1971)和Kaufman(2001)对SPT进行了更详细的解释。象征政治还是理性选择?检验极端种族暴力的理论。考夫曼:象征政治还是理性选择?[58.20]郭福刚,刘志刚(2014)。“超越宗派主义:新中东冷战”布鲁金斯多哈中心分析论文11:1-27.21西格尔,# no2宗派主义。22陈晓明,陈晓明(2011)。“作为反革命的宗派主义:沙特对阿拉伯之春的回应”。[3]张建军,张建军。民族与民族主义研究[j] .(2016): 513-526.23。海湾地区宗派主义的政治经济学,JSTOR24在一些国家,如巴林和沙特阿拉伯,宗派认同企业家将什叶派反对派描绘成第五纵队和外国势力(即伊朗)的代理人,以证明镇压的正当性除了这些策略之外,阿拉伯之春之后,针对伊朗的敌对谣言也很普遍。例如,有传言说伊朗向阿拉伯国家出口了有毒的西瓜,以屠杀阿拉伯公民。 迪拜警察局局长在推特上写道:“在伊朗人毒死西瓜之后,所有伊朗水果都是危险的。”《阿拉伯人关于伊朗西瓜的谣言》,伊朗伊斯兰通讯社,2015年5月3日,https://www.isna.ir/news/9402130734326埃德尔曼:《政治作为象征性行动》,P54.27阿布-艾尔-法德尔(2015)。开罗与华盛顿之间:后穆巴拉克时代埃及的宗派主义与反革命。革命的埃及,劳特利奇:227-253。Hassan, a.f.(2015)。《埃及的媒体、革命和政治:一场起义的故事》,Mohamed Bassam Yousef,“打击新萨法维(波斯)计划”,引自Ali Al-Ahmed,“官方沙特仇恨管道”,Pp12-13, 2020年9月。海湾事务研究所,29 IslamQA(以16种语言出版的最重要的萨拉菲派网站之一),阿拉伯语“犹太人与深奥教派之间的关系”,(العلاقة بين اليهود وفرق الباطنية), 2014年9月13日https://islamqa.info/ar/answers/22068730 Muhammad Saalih Al-Munajjid引用于Ali Al-Ahmed,“官方沙特仇恨管道”,P16, 2020年9月。《海湾事务研究所》。31同上。32阿卜杜。(2015)。《萨拉菲斯特与宗派主义:推特与中东社区冲突》,布鲁金斯学院中东政策研究中心。《全球化的伊斯兰:寻找新的伊斯兰世界》,哥伦比亚大学出版社,2019年第34期。谢赫·易卜拉欣·阿吉兰引用于阿里·艾哈迈德的《沙特官方仇恨管道》,2020年9月第13期。海湾事务研究所。阿布多、萨拉菲斯特和宗派主义KhosraviNik, M.和N. Sarkhoh(2017)。参与式网络平台上的阿拉伯主义和反波斯情绪:一项社会媒体批评话语研究。Buehler, M. and J. Schulhofer-Wohl(2021)。“对中东和北非什叶派偏见的国际根源:来自摩洛哥的原始调查证据”。地中海政治:1-29.38 Raisi, Alireza。(2019)。”伊朗选举政治中民粹主义的困惑。”李建平,李建平。民主化研究进展(6):916-934。(2021)。伊朗:现代什叶派政治意识形态的建构。《劳特利奇宗教、政治和意识形态手册》(314-327页)。Routledge40 Ünal, Y.(2016)。《伊朗的赛义德·库布:伊斯兰共和国中伊斯兰主义理论家的翻译》。伊斯兰与穆斯林研究杂志1(2):35-60.41 Shady Zalat and Hamama, mada, 7/9/2015,“沙特阿拉伯和爱兹哈尔对什叶派在埃及的侵占”https://www.madamasr.com/en/2015/07/09/feature/politics/wikileaks-saudi-arabia-and-azhar-on-the-shia-encroachment-in-egypt/42美国国务院,2012年国际宗教自由埃及报告,2013年5月20日,https://2009 - 2017.state.gov/documents/organization/208598.pdf43 Field, N. and A. Hamam(2009)。埃及的萨拉菲卫星电视。2012年7月,一家刑事法庭“判处什叶派穆斯林穆罕默德·阿斯福尔入狱,罪名是完全基于他的什叶派信仰诽谤伊斯兰教”。人权观察,2013年6月.https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech45《另一个沙特:什叶派、异议和宗派主义》,剑桥大学出版社,布鲁克,S.(2017)。“宗派主义和社会一致性:来自埃及的证据”。张晓明(2015),《政治研究》第7期。政治化的身份,证券化的政治:埃及的逊尼派-什叶派政治。张晓明,张晓明。(2014).中东问题研究进展。“宗派主义折磨着新中东”。生存56 (1):79-100.49 Kristen McTighe,“埃及的萨拉菲光明党”,半岛电视台研究中心,2014年3月26日,https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/reports/2014/03/20143261283362726.htmlAlso (Zalat and Hamama 2015)和(Hassan 2015, 256)50人权观察,“数月的仇恨言论导致什叶派私刑”,2013年6月27日,https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech51 Ibrahim Al Masry,“萨拉菲光明党和自由民主党在伊朗旅游问题上的冲突”,埃及每日新闻,5/13/2013 https://dailynewsegypt.com/2013/05/13/al-nour-and-fjp-clash-over-iranian-tourism/52正如一位萨拉菲派领袖所说:“埃及人更有可能皈依什叶派,而不是犹太教或基督教……伊朗旅游业背后有一个秘密计划,那就是在埃及传播什叶派。”(Saleh and Kraetzschmar, 2015).53自由欧洲电台,《埃及艺术家谴责禁止在开罗大学放映电影《分离》》》,波斯语,2012年2月24日,https://www.radiofarda.com/a/24515862.html54人权观察,《数月的仇恨言论导致什叶派遭私刑》,2013年6月27日,https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech55谢琳·塞凯利和阿德尔·伊斯坎达尔,《在什叶派和兄弟会的无所作为与同谋之间》,2013年6月29日,贾达利亚,https://www.jadaliyya。 一些报道指出,沙特神职人员在事件发生前曾前往埃及,煽动宗派言论。(Mohsen, 2013) 57 Ikhwan在线,没有地方施'ism在埃及的阿拉伯语,4/8/2013,https://ikhwanonline.com/article/14515258阿拉伯电视台,”马哈茂德•萨班警告说,施'ism已经开始蔓延在埃及”,5/16/2013,https://www.alarabiya.net/arab-and-world/egypt/2013/05/16/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%B1-%D9%8A%D8%AD%D8%B0%D8%B1-%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%AE%D8%B7%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8%B9%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-59布鲁克,美国(2017)。“宗派主义和社会一致性:来自埃及的证据”。布鲁克的列表实验研究表明,由于普遍存在的反什叶派言论,一部分埃及人夸大了他们自我报告的态度。即使考虑到这种社会可取性偏见,布鲁克分析得出结论,埃及的反什叶派态度仍然很高。61 Sherene Seikaly和Adel Iskandar,“在什叶派和兄弟会的不作为和共谋之间”,2013年6月29日,Jadaliyya, https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28874/Between-Inaction-and-Complicity-The-Shi%E2%80%98a-and-the-Brotherhood62 Hassan, A. F.(2015)。63人权观察,“什叶派在数月的仇恨言论后遭私刑”,2013年6月27日,https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/06/27/egypt-lynching-shia-follows-months-hate-speech64 Ofcansky, T.(2015),《国家安全:苏丹》。美国国会图书馆联邦研究部;希恩,D.(2015),政府与政治:苏丹。美国国会图书馆联邦研究部;P287.66 Lob, E.(2020)。《伊朗重建圣战:1979年后农村发展与政权巩固》,剑桥大学出版社。以色列人是苏丹“神秘”空袭的幕后黑手吗?德兰西,V.(2015),《经济:苏丹》。美国国会图书馆联邦研究部;P158.70 Shinn, 2015.71 Lob E.(2016)。“伊朗伊斯兰共和国的外交政策和建设圣战组织在撒哈拉以南非洲的发展活动”。张建军,张建军,张建军,等(2016).国际中东问题研究,48(2):313-338.72。《对先知的爱》,普林斯顿大学出版社,2018年9月至12月在苏丹进行的75次阿拉伯晴雨表第五波。2019年1月:https://www.arabbarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/ABV_Methods_Report-1.pdf76为了防止什叶派伊斯兰教的传播,苏丹政府关闭了所有伊朗文化中心,苏丹加入了沙特领导的也门联盟,并在沙特阿拉伯处决什叶派神职人员Al- nimr后,大大限制了与伊朗的关系。“不干涉还是对抗”,半岛电视台研究中心,2012年3月7日,https://studies.aljazeera.net/ar/node/126078根据这项调查,9%的受访者表示他们属于埃及的苏菲派。皮尤研究中心对宗教信仰的调查,“第一章:宗教信仰”,2012年8月9日,https://www.pewforum.org/2012/08/09/the-worlds-muslims-unity-and-diversity-1-religious-affiliation/79 Jonathan Brown,“埃及的萨拉菲派和苏菲派”,卡内基国际和平基金会,2011年12月20日,https://carnegieendowment.org/2011/12/20/salafis-and-sufis-in-egypt/8fj480 Telhami,阿拉伯人眼中的世界Furia, p.a.和r.e. Lucas(2006)。《阿拉伯国家对外关系舆论的决定因素》83 .国际研究季刊50(3):585-605.82每一波阿拉伯之春中包括的国家在附录中《阿拉伯舆论的决定因素》,第84页贾马尔,A. A.等(2015)。“阿拉伯推特话语中的反美主义和反干涉主义”。葛雷,M.(2010)。《阿拉伯世界的阴谋论:来源与政治》,劳特利奇出版社。罗姆尼,D.等人(2021)。“我敌人的敌人不是我的朋友:阿拉伯推特对ISIS和美国的看法”。Michael Robbins,中东和北非公民如何看待与以色列的正常化?, 2022年9月12日,https://www.arabbarometer.org/2022/09/how-do-mena-citizens-view-normalization-with-israel/87 Raisi, Alireza。(2021)。”伊朗议会政治中的选举参与:在两种相互竞争的解释之间。张建军,张建军。(2020).政治行为,第4期:1581- 169.88。阿拉伯对伊朗的看法2019/2020。卡塔尔多哈,阿拉伯研究与政策研究中心。
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期刊介绍: The British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies is a refereed academic journal published for the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (popularly known as BRISMES). Founded in 1974 as the BRISMES Bulletin, the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies assumed its present title in 1991 reflecting its growth into a fully-fledged scholarly journal. The editors aim to maintain a balance in the journal"s coverage between the modern social sciences and the more traditional disciplines associated with Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies. They welcome scholarly contributions on all aspects of the Middle East from the end of classical antiquity and the rise of Islam.
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