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Al-Lajjun: a Social and geographic account of a Palestinian Village during the British Mandate Period Al-Lajjun:英国委任统治时期巴勒斯坦村庄的社会和地理记述
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2279340
Roy Marom, Y. Tepper, Matthew J. Adams
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引用次数: 0
Challenges in the conceptualization and implementation of normalization: insights from Egyptian–Israeli Relations 正常化概念化和实施方面的挑战:埃及-以色列关系的启示
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2289666
Meirav Mishali-Ram, Rami Ginat
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引用次数: 0
The role of the Israeli-Syrian mixed armistice commission in the fate of the Arabs of Krad al-Baqqara and Krad al-Ghaname 1948-1956 以色列-叙利亚混合停战委员会在 1948-1956 年 Krad al-Baqqara 和 Krad al-Ghaname 阿拉伯人命运中的作用
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2289658
Yoram Fried
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引用次数: 0
Confronting minorization: colonial missionaries and Ottoman millets in the eyes of a Nineteenth Century Baghdadi Rabbi 面对少数民族化:十九世纪巴格达迪拉比眼中的殖民传教士和奥斯曼帝国的黍子
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2279333
Avi-ram Tzoreff
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引用次数: 0
The compromise of Islamism and democracy in the light of the Tunisian revolution and views of Rachid al-Gannouchi 从突尼斯革命和拉希德·加努希的观点看伊斯兰主义和民主的妥协
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-12 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2281424
Anna Zasuń
ABSTRACTThe Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia in 2010 and 2011 catalysed changes in many Arab countries, referred to as the Arab Spring. The Tunisian events of this period led to the flourishing of Islamist tendencies in the country with unexpected results. Over more than two decades, two secular dictatorships collapsed, replaced by a democracy inspired by the Western model but shaped by the ideas of the Islamist movement, represented by Ennahda and its leader Rachid al-Gannouchi. The article presents an analysis of the changes in the Tunisian political scene, dating back to the decolonization and independence of Tunisia in 1956, the period of two regimes, to the elections of 2011, which were crucial for Islamists, and the consequences of their political decisions in the post-revolutionary period. The context for the analysis is the activity of important figure of contemporary Islamism, Al-Gannouchi and his party. It justifies the sense-creating and compensatory importance of religion-based ideology for the secular processes in Tunisia. It also discusses the result of post-revolutionary changes based on the principle of political pluralism and the principle of ‘consensus’ presented by Al-Gannouchi, who, after years of exile from the country, returned to become the face of Islamic democracy. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Vladimir Tismăneanu, Wizje zbawienia (Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism and Myth in Post-Communist Europe) (Warsaw: Muza, 2000), 139.2 Patrick Van Inwegen, Understanding Revolution (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2011), 3–4.3 Ibid., 4.4 Ibid., 4–7.5 Jack A. Goldstone, ‘Toward A Fourth Generation of Revolutionary Theory’, Annual Reviews of Political Science 4 (2001): 142.6 Ibid., 142.7 Habib Ayeb, ‘Social and political geography of the Tunisian revolution: the alfa grass revolution’, Review of African Political Economy 38/129 (2011): 467.8 Tismăneanu, Wizje, 139.9 Robert S. Robins and Jerrold M. Post, Paranoja polityczna. Psychologia nienawiści (Political Paranoia The Psychopolitics of Hatred) (Warsaw: Książka i Wiedza, 2007), 147–8.10 Tismăneanu, Wizje, 58.11 Marek Dziekan, ‘Islam i polityka we współczesnej Tunezji: Raszid al-Ghannuszi i Harakat an-Nahda’, in Bunt czy rewolucja? Przemiany na Bliskim Wschodzie po 2010 roku, eds. Katarzyna Górak-Sosnowska and Katarzyna Pachniak (Łódź: Ibidem, 2012), 69.12 Ayeb, ‘Social and political’, 467.13 William L. Cleveland and Martin P. Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East (New York—London: Routledge, 2016), 537.14 Ibid., 537.15 Ibid., 539.16 Ibid., 539.17 Ayeb, ‘Social and political’, 468, 469.18 Nazih Ayubi, Political Islam. Religion and Politics in the Arab World (London—New York: Routledge, 2006), 113.19 Olivier Roy, The Failure of Political Islam (Cambridge—Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1996), 29.20 Shabbir Akhtar, Islam as Political Religion. The future of an imperial faith (London—New York: Routl
2010年和2011年发生在突尼斯的茉莉花革命引发了许多阿拉伯国家的变革,被称为“阿拉伯之春”。这一时期的突尼斯事件导致了伊斯兰主义倾向在该国的蓬勃发展,并产生了意想不到的结果。在20多年的时间里,两个世俗独裁政权垮台,取而代之的是一个受西方模式启发、但受伊斯兰运动思想影响的民主政体,以复兴运动党(Ennahda)及其领导人拉希德·加努希(Rachid al-Gannouchi)为代表。本文分析了突尼斯政治舞台的变化,从1956年突尼斯的非殖民化和独立(两个政权时期)到2011年的选举(这对伊斯兰主义者来说至关重要),以及他们在革命后时期的政治决策的后果。分析的背景是当代伊斯兰主义的重要人物Al-Gannouchi及其政党的活动。它证明了以宗教为基础的意识形态对突尼斯世俗进程的创造意义和补偿性重要性。它还讨论了基于政治多元化原则和Al-Gannouchi提出的“共识”原则的革命后变化的结果,Al-Gannouchi在流亡国外多年后回归,成为伊斯兰民主的代言人。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Vladimir tismuricneanu, Wizje zbawienia(《拯救的幻想:后共产主义欧洲的民主、民族主义和神话》)(华沙:Muza, 2000), 139.2 Patrick Van Inwegen,《理解革命》(博尔德:Lynne Rienner出版社,2011),3-4.3同上,4.4同上,4 - 7.5 Jack A. Goldstone,《走向第四代革命理论》,政治科学年度评论4(2001):142.6同上,142.7 Habib Ayeb,“突尼斯革命的社会和政治地理:“阿尔法草革命”,《非洲政治经济评论》第38/129期(2011):467.8 tissmilneanu, Wizje, 139.9 Robert S. Robins和Jerrold M. Post。心理学nienawiści(政治偏执狂:仇恨的心理政治)(华沙:Książka i Wiedza, 2007), 147-8.10 tissmuricneanu, Wizje, 58.11 Marek Dziekan,“伊斯兰教的政治我们współczesnej突尼斯:Raszid al-Ghannuszi i Harakat an-Nahda”,在Bunt czy rewolucja?中国科学院学报,2010年6月,编。Katarzyna Górak-Sosnowska和Katarzyna Pachniak (Łódź: Ibidem, 2012), 69.12 Ayeb,《社会与政治》,467.13 William L. Cleveland和Martin P. Bunton,《现代中东史》(纽约-伦敦:Routledge, 2016), 537.14同上,537.15同上,539.16同上,539.17 Ayeb,《社会与政治》,468,469.18 Nazih Ayubi,政治伊斯兰。《阿拉伯世界的宗教与政治》(伦敦-纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2006年),113.19奥利维尔·罗伊,《政治伊斯兰的失败》(剑桥-马萨诸塞州:哈佛大学出版社,1996年),29.20沙比尔·阿赫塔尔,《作为政治宗教的伊斯兰》。《帝国信仰的未来》(伦敦-纽约:Routledge出版社,2011),222.21 Sayyid Qutb是与埃及环境相关的当代伊斯兰主义最重要的人物之一。他已经成为穆斯林兄弟会的关键人物。-参见:Gilles Kepel, Jihad。《政治伊斯兰的审判》(伦敦-纽约:I.B. TAURIS出版社,2003);尼古拉斯·p·罗伯茨,《政治伊斯兰和传统的发明》(华盛顿特区:新学术出版社,2015);阿尤比,政治伊斯兰;《伊斯兰社会正义》(New York, Oneonta, 2000)译。Mehdi Mozaffari,伊斯兰教。一种新的极权主义(博尔德伦敦:Lynne Rienner出版社,2017),141.23同上,283-4.24 Dziekan,“伊斯兰教与政治”,69.25 Azzam S. Tamimi,“Rashid al-Ghannushi”,牛津伊斯兰教与政治手册,编辑。约翰·埃斯波西托和伊马德·埃尔丁·沙欣(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2013),212;Dziekan,《伊斯兰教与政治》,72页。在Dziekan的文章(第71-75页)中,也根据Tamimi和Emad E. Shahin的《现代伊斯兰世界牛津百科全书》,John L. Esposito编辑(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1995年,第2卷)中的“Ghannushi, Rashid al-”,编写了al- gannushi的简要传记27 . Joseph A. k<s:1> chichian,一个真正的伊斯兰民主主义者,2011年9月16日,https://gulfnews.com/lifestyle/a-genuine-islamist-democrat-1.865958(访问:20.12.2022)塔米,《Rashid al-Ghannushi》,212.28同上,212.12 - 3.29约翰·埃斯波西托,《伊斯兰教与政治》(锡拉丘兹-纽约:锡拉丘兹大学出版社,1998年),62.30雅努什·达内茨基,Arabowie(华沙:Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 2001年),378.31埃斯波西托,伊斯兰教,97.32同上,62.33最古老的伊斯兰政党之一,1953年由塔奇·阿尔-丁·纳巴尼在耶路撒冷创立,作为巴勒斯坦穆斯林兄弟会的一个派别。-见:Khaled Hroub,“哈马斯:哈马斯:将民族解放和社会政治变革混为一谈”,《政治伊斯兰》。背景与意识形态,Khaled Hroub编(伦敦:SAQI &伦敦中东研究所,2010),164 - 4。 89同上90阿尤比,政治伊斯兰,232-3;Rashid al-Ghanushi,“伊斯兰运动的缺陷”,中东报告153 (1988).91塔米,“Rashid al-Ghannushi”,218.92 Dziekan,“伊斯兰教与政治”,76.93 Andrew F. March,“关于突尼斯的“穆斯林民主派”,什么是“穆斯林”?, Middle East Brief 142(2021), 2.94同上,2-3.95 Tamimi,“Rashid al-Ghannushi”,218-9;Dziekan,《伊斯兰教与政治》,76-7.96格哈德·鲍林主编,《普林斯顿伊斯兰政治思想百科全书》(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2013年),1996年6月97同上,1998年3月,《什么是“穆斯林”》,3.99 Abdou Filali-Ansary,《伊斯兰教与自由民主:世俗化的挑战》,1996年7月2日,76-80.100 Tamimi,《Rashid al-Ghannushi》,2001同上,2002革命后:突尼斯的前景,Sheikh Rached Ghannouchi, Moncef Marzouki博士,Claire S
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引用次数: 0
Responding to Climate Change in Jordan: understanding institutional developments, political restrictions and economic opportunities 应对约旦的气候变化:了解制度发展、政治限制和经济机会
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2279332
Imad El-Anis, Marianna Poberezhskaya
Jordan is one of the world’s most resource-poor, arid and freshwater-stressed countries with climate change aggravating these challenges further. We argue that due to Jordan’s climate change vulnerability and low levels of resilience, as well as its vital role in Middle Eastern politics, it is necessary to examine how climate change policies are approached in the kingdom. Based on a thematic analysis of official climate change policy documentation and elite interviews, we find that climate change problems are portrayed as important in Jordan, but the policymaking and implementation processes face significant challenges. The main predicaments are: the prioritization of short-term political and economic interests, over-reliance on external actors, limited financial, technical and knowledge capacities, and a lack of coordination between the key public sector stakeholders. Furthermore, as with other authoritarian states, Jordan’s ability to respond to climate change is influenced by restrictions stemming from the governing regime’s prioritization of its own survival.
约旦是世界上资源最贫乏、干旱和淡水压力最大的国家之一,气候变化进一步加剧了这些挑战。我们认为,由于约旦的气候变化脆弱性和低水平的恢复力,以及它在中东政治中的重要作用,有必要研究如何在王国处理气候变化政策。基于对官方气候变化政策文件和精英访谈的专题分析,我们发现气候变化问题在约旦被描述为重要问题,但政策制定和实施过程面临重大挑战。主要困境是:优先考虑短期政治和经济利益,过度依赖外部行为者,有限的财政、技术和知识能力,以及主要公共部门利益攸关方之间缺乏协调。此外,与其他专制国家一样,约旦应对气候变化的能力受到执政政权优先考虑自身生存的限制的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding community resilience in Yemen: how parallel institutions meet essential needs in the absence of the state 了解也门的社区复原力:平行机构如何在国家缺席的情况下满足基本需求
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2023.2265843
Manuel Almeida, Raiman Al-Hamdani, Austin J. Knuppe
ABSTRACTHow do Yemeni communities build and sustain resilience in wartime when state institutions are weak or absent? Based on original research across 14 communities in Yemen, this paper compares international and Yemeni conceptions of community resilience, explores how local residents assess threats to their communities, and identifies the actors, institutions, and norms that enhance community resilience. We show that parallel institutions—non-state socio-political, cultural, religious and economic networks and practices used to fill governance gaps or bypass state institutions—bolster community resilience through the provision of material, social, and existential resources. Data from the field demonstrate that patronage, kinship and brokerage are three categories of parallel institutions which, alongside civil society organisations (CSOs), play a particularly salient role in sustaining community resilience in Yemen. However, the downsides of parallel institutions—including nepotism, favouritism and further weakening of state legitimacy—pose complex challenges for the donor community and local stakeholders. The further weakening of state institutions will likely lead parallel institutions to play an increasingly salient role, while increasing the burden of providing essential services. AcknowledgmentsThe authors thank Erica DeBruin, Joey Huddleston, Chris Gelpi, Gabby Levy, Teri Murphy, Cameron Macaskill, Stacey Philbrick-Yadav, Natalie Romeri-Lewis, and Steve Sharp for their helpful comments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), ‘Human Development Report 2014: Sustaining Human. Progress: Reducing Vulnerabilities and Building Resilience’, 2014, https://sdgs.un.org/sites/default/files/publications/1789hdr14-report-en-1.pdf.2 Iona Craig, ‘On the ground: Done with dictatorship?’ Index on Censorship 42, no. 3 (2013): 114–116.3 Stephen W. Day, Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen: A Troubled National Unity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012).4 Helen Lackner, Yemen in Crisis: Road to War (London: Verso Books, 2019); Becky Carter, “Social Capital in Yemen”. Institute of Development Studies, 23 June 2017, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/5975f1b0e5274a2897000012/138-Social-capital-in-Yemen.pdf.5 United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), ‘Humanitarian Response Plan. Yemen’, 25 January 2023, https://reliefweb.int/attachments/d9eed03e-0cab-4010-bb48- 618a2b0ae1aa/Ye_HRP_2023_Final.pdf.6 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), ‘Yemen Country Factsheet 2022’, Jan.-Dec. 2022. https://reporting.unhcr.org/index.php/document/4387.7 It is unclear at the time of writing if the newly formed eight-man Presidential Council announced in April 2022. (requiring President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi to step down) will be able to provide solutions to the fragmentation of political authority.8 ʿAqīls are locally-
16见世界银行集团(2013年)《建设韧性:将气候和灾害风险纳入发展》。华盛顿特区。参见:https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/1663917“评估和平复原力:指导说明”,国际和平组织,2016年4月,第9页。2016- far - guidace .note- assass-resilience -for peace -v11.pdf (interpeace.org);Lauren Van Metre和Jason Calder,《建设和平与恢复力:社会如何应对暴力》,《和平工作》第121期,美国和平研究所。https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PW121-Peacebuilding-and-Resilience-How-Society-Responds-to-Violence.pdf;18 .美国国际开发署(2013)《脆弱和受冲突影响情况下的复原力分析框架》欧盟外交与安全政策,“共同愿景,共同行动:一个更强大的欧洲”,2016年6月。https://www.eeas.europa.eu/sites/default/files/eugs_review_web_0.pdf;世界银行,《通往和平之路:预防冲突的包容性方法》(华盛顿特区:世界银行集团2018年),https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/entities/publication/4c36fca6-c7e0 -5927-b171-468b0b236b59;F. Denton, T.J. Wilbanks, A.C. Abeysinghe, I. Burton, Q. Gao, M.C. Lemos, T. Masui, K.L. O ' brien, K. Warner,《气候变化2014:影响、适应和脆弱性》。A部分:全球和部门问题。第二工作组对政府间气候变化专门委员会第五次评估报告的贡献(瑞士日内瓦:政府间气候变化专门委员会,2014),https://www.ipcc.ch/site/assets/uploads/2018/02/WGIIAR5- Chap20_FINAL.pdf;美国国际开发署,“在脆弱和受冲突影响的情况下分析复原力的框架”;联合国发展集团,《联合国发展援助框架指南》,2017年6月,https://unsdg.un.org/sites/default/files/2017-UNDAF_Guidance_01-May-2017.pdf;英国外交,联邦发展办公室(FCDO),“在埃塞俄比亚建立弹性”,2022年11月16日,https://devtracker.fcdo.gov.uk/projects/GB-GOV-1-300363/documents.19露西,福克纳,卡特里娜·布朗和塔拉·奎因,“分析社区弹性作为动态社会-生态系统的新兴属性”,《生态与社会》23期。1(2018)”Cavelty et al. 2015;Joseph 2013.21在实地考察期间,我们使用术语qudra - al- al-ṣamud;(“承受能力”)来描述弹性。对于社区恢复力,使用的术语是qudrat al-mujtama tah - alā al-ṣamud;(“社区的承受能力”)。Ṣamud;(坚定不移)没有被选择,因为这个词有各种宗教、文化和政治内涵,与研究的主要目标不一致在《古兰经ān.23》的23章中,ṣabr这个词的变体被提到了75次Ḥūṯhis一直在他们的媒体和宣传中使用弹性(ṣamud)。Ḥūṯhi领导人Abdulmalik Al-Ḥūṯhi的讲话将恢复力与当地军事能力和生产、经受沙特空袭、封锁以及其领土内居民承受的各种冲击(如饥饿、缺乏就业和基本物资短缺)联系起来。参见' a ' wamil ṣamud al-sha ' ab al- yemen fi muwajahat al-udwan al- Amreeky al- sa ' udi '。安萨罗拉,2021年3月28日,https://www.ansarollah.com/archives/423340.24斯泰西·菲尔布里克·亚达夫,《转型阴影下的也门:在战争中追求正义》(纽约:牛津大学出版社,2022)Hesham M. Al-Mekhlafi,“霍乱时期的也门:现状和挑战”,《美国热带医学与卫生杂志》,1998年,第2期。Manfred, Wiebelt, Clemens Breisinger, Olivier Ecker, Perrihan Al-Riffai, Richard Robertson, Rainer Thiele,“也门的气候变化与洪水”,国际粮食政策研究所发展战略与治理分部,华盛顿特区;(2011);Dorte Verner和Clemens Breisinger。阿拉伯世界气候变化经济学:来自阿拉伯叙利亚共和国、突尼斯和也门共和国的案例研究。乔治敦妇女、和平与安全研究所与奥斯陆和平研究所,《2021/22年妇女、和平与安全指数:通过妇女的包容、正义和安全跟踪可持续和平》。华盛顿特区:GIWPS和PRIO, 2021年,https://giwps.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/WPS-Index-2021.pdf.28联合国教科文组织统计研究所,“也门”,http://uis.unesco.org/country/YE.29世界银行,“失业;女性(占女性劳动力的百分比),也门,众议员,华盛顿特区:世界银行集团,2023年,https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.UEM.TOTL.FE.NE.ZS?locations=YE.30 Mohamed Ghazi,“战争粉碎了我们的梦想:也门马里布的一次又一次流离失所”,《新人道主义》,2021年11月24日,https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2021/11/24/Yemen-Marib-displacement-endless-cycle。
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引用次数: 0
Social classes and political Islam: a comparative ecological approach of post-Arab Spring elections in Northern Africa (2011- 2014) 社会阶层和政治伊斯兰:北非阿拉伯之春后选举(2011-2014 年)的比较生态学方法
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2022.2079116
Gilles Van hamme, Alia Gana
ABSTRACT Starting from the debate on the sociology of political Islam, opposing interpretations centred on identity and on specific class alliances, the paper proposes a comparative analysis of the socio-geographies of mainstream Islamist parties in the post-Arab spring period in Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt. The paper shows that socio-geographies of political Islam are very pronounced, making unlikely an interpretation of Islamist parties as having a purely non class-based identity. These results challenge the conception of political Islam as a hegemonic ideology among Arab populations, as such an ideology would be built on their cultural heritage, repressed both by colonialism and by post-colonial elites. This conception denies the complexity of modern Arab societies, the importance of minorities, the diversity of social trajectories and the capacity of other movements to penetrate into some deprived rural or urban areas. This analysis neither validates conclusions that political Islam is an alliance between the deprived urban classes and the traditional bourgeoisie politically excluded from the ruling post-colonial classes. Rather, one finding is that the social grounds of Islamists are very dependent on the national contexts.
ABSTRACT 本文从政治伊斯兰社会学的争论出发,反对以身份认同和特定阶级联盟为中心的解释,对阿拉伯之春后摩洛哥、突尼斯和埃及主流伊斯兰政党的社会地理进行了比较分析。论文表明,政治伊斯兰的社会地理特征非常明显,因此不可能将伊斯兰政党解释为具有纯粹的非阶级身份。这些研究结果对将政治伊斯兰教视为阿拉伯人口中的霸权意识形态的观点提出了质疑,因为这种意识形态将建立在他们的文化遗产之上,而这些文化遗产既受到殖民主义的压制,也受到后殖民精英的压制。这种观念否认了现代阿拉伯社会的复杂性、少数民族的重要性、社会轨迹的多样性以及其他运动渗透到一些贫困农村或城市地区的能力。这一分析既没有证实政治伊斯兰教是城市贫困阶层与在政治上被排除在后殖民统治阶层之外的传统资产阶级之间的联盟这一结论。相反,一个发现是,伊斯兰主义者的社会基础在很大程度上取决于国家背景。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Jihadi Salafi threat in Jordan in 2011-2017 了解 2011-2017 年约旦萨拉菲圣战组织的威胁
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2022.2080642
Mohammad Abu Rumman, Moamen Gouda, N. Bondokji
ABSTRACT The number of Jordanian foreign fighters that joined extremist groups in Syria and Iraq since 2011 has drawn attention to the Jihadi Salafi scene in Jordan. This article examines the profiles of 780 Jihadi Salafis who were prosecuted in 2011–2017 on terrorism-related charges by the State Security Court in Jordan. The study attributes the rise of Jihadi Salafism in Jordan to socio-economic relative deprivation. The dissatisfaction of the employed and/or educated with their status explains relative deprivation, which is also an urban central phenomenon in Jordan. However, relative deprivation does not turn into radicalization unless experienced within a closely knit social network. The article concludes that Jihadi Salafism is a middle-class urban and central phenomenon in Jordan, which is likely to continue due to unaddressed frustrations, unmet identity needs, and the social network of radicals.
ABSTRACT 自2011年以来,加入叙利亚和伊拉克极端组织的约旦外籍战士的人数引起了人们对约旦圣战萨拉菲组织的关注。本文研究了 2011-2017 年期间被约旦国家安全法院以恐怖主义相关罪名起诉的 780 名圣战萨拉菲分子的概况。研究将约旦圣战萨拉菲派的兴起归因于社会经济的相对匮乏。就业者和/或受教育者对自身地位的不满解释了相对剥夺,这也是约旦城市的中心现象。然而,除非在一个紧密联系的社会网络中,相对贫困并不会转化为激进主义。文章的结论是,圣战萨拉菲主义是约旦城市中产阶级的中心现象,由于挫折感未得到解决、身份需求未得到满足以及激进分子的社会网络,这种现象很可能会持续下去。
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引用次数: 0
Blasphemy and apostasy in Islam: debates in Shi’a jurisprudence 伊斯兰教中的亵渎和叛教:什叶派法学中的辩论
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/13530194.2022.2080403
Masoumeh Rad Goudarzi
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引用次数: 0
期刊
British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
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