Does Archaic Chinese Have a Marked Subjunctive Mood: Some Evidence From Modal Negators

Abstract

This paper proposes that the distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood is expressed systematically in Archaic Chinese in negated context based on an analysis of modal negation in matrix and embedded clauses. We address the questions where subjunctive mood is hosted syntactically, and what kind of verbs require subjunctive mood in their complements. We propose that both imperatives and subjunctives are hosted in and licensed by an irrealis ModP within TP, but are interpreted in a higher projection in CP. Additionally, we demonstrate that there is a systematic distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood in the employment of the negative complementizers fēi and wēi. We also show that both imperatives and subjunctives are only overtly expressed in the negative, imperatives are not marked by sentence-final particles, or by any other syntactic means.