Extending the typology of quantifier particles

Abstract

The Sakha particle da(ɣanï) has a restricted, semantically varied distribution. It appears in three main roles: negative polarity item (NPIs), a marker of scalar focus, and doubled in coordination constructions. In coordination X da(ɣanï) Y da(ɣanï) means ‘both X and Y’ in positive sentences, but ‘neither X nor Y’ in negative sentences. Following from the assumption that NPIs denote low-point existentials, it is surprising to find a particle that is involved in these as well as ‘both…and’ coordination. While there are quantifier particles in other languages which overlap with all of da(ɣanï)’s uses, these typically these serve far more roles. One such common role that da(ɣanï) lacks is a basic additive ‘too’ reading, though an additive reading emerges with scalar focus. I argue that da(ɣanï) is an element which combines with an host that has semantic alternatives and makes them obligatorily active, in the sense of Chierchia (2013). When it combines with a low-point existential, this has the effect of creating NPIs. The ‘both…and’ reading is argued to be the result of da(ɣanï) inducing an additive post-supposition. However, a unary ‘too’ function is blocked by the additive presupposition of another particle emie.