The Puzzle of Chile’s Resilient Support for Gender Parity

Catherine Reyes-Housholder, Julieta Suárez-Cao, Javiera Arce-Riffo
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Abstract

Chile’s 2021–22 Constitutional Convention was the first in the world to feature mechanisms that guaranteed gender parity among constituents (Arce and Suárez-Cao 2021). This was not an easy win. Feminist activists and women politicians pushed for gender parity in 2020-21 in a country that had adopted gender quotas relatively late (Figueroa 2021; Reyes-Housholder, Suárez-Cao, and Le Foulon 2023; Suárez-Cao 2023; personal interview #1, April 21, 2023). Reserving seats for Indigenous groups and using other mechanisms to allow space for independent constituents further broadened the convention’s ostensible inclusiveness. After the September 2022 rejection of the 2021–22 Constitutional Convention’s draft, political parties immediately started over by crafting an elite-controlled process. Lawmakers—this time with surprising speed—again coalesced around the idea that an equal number of men and women should write the new draft.
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智利对性别均等的持久支持之谜
智利的 2021-22 年制宪会议是世界上第一个以机制为特色,保障制宪会议成员性别均等的会议(Arce 和 Suárez-Cao 2021 年)。这一胜利来之不易。女权活动家和女性政治家在 2020-21 年推动了性别均等,而这个国家采用性别配额的时间相对较晚(Figueroa 2021 年;Reyes-Housholder、Suárez-Cao 和 Le Foulon 2023 年;Suárez-Cao 2023 年;个人访谈 #1,2023 年 4 月 21 日)。为原住民团体保留席位并利用其他机制为独立选民留出空间,进一步扩大了大会表面上的包容性。2022 年 9 月 2021-22 年制宪会议草案被否决后,各政党立即重新启动了由精英控制的进程。立法者们--这一次以令人惊讶的速度--再次围绕着由同等数量的男性和女性来撰写新草案的想法达成一致。
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