Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000222
Kim Quaile Hill
Prior research finds that women earn fewer citations than men for their publications, and it offers various reasons why this is the case. This study provides new evidence on these citation differences from two datasets on career citations earned by male and female political scientists. Our findings extend and elaborate on those in earlier research. Most notably, we find that older cohorts of women demonstrate substantial progress toward citation equity with their male peers.
{"title":"Citations to the Publications of Male and Female Political Scientists Revisited","authors":"Kim Quaile Hill","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000222","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Prior research finds that women earn fewer citations than men for their publications, and it offers various reasons why this is the case. This study provides new evidence on these citation differences from two datasets on career citations earned by male and female political scientists. Our findings extend and elaborate on those in earlier research. Most notably, we find that older cohorts of women demonstrate substantial progress toward citation equity with their male peers.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"31 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141923104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000209
E. Zeemering
Service-learning courses help students to identify career opportunities and foster civic engagement, but links to projects with local governments may be difficult to forge. State municipal associations are well positioned as intermediaries to link local governments and higher-education institutions, and their historic roots affirm their capacity to invest in the professionalization of the future public-service workforce. Yet, a recent survey of municipal associations revealed limited contact with higher-education institutions for the purpose of engaging students. Examples from Georgia, Iowa, and Washington highlight the potential role that municipal associations can have in the creation of service-learning opportunities for students. The demand for skilled workers in local government necessitates action by municipal associations and educators in political science to expand service-learning opportunities and access to local government.
{"title":"State Municipal Associations as Intermediaries in Service Learning","authors":"E. Zeemering","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000209","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Service-learning courses help students to identify career opportunities and foster civic engagement, but links to projects with local governments may be difficult to forge. State municipal associations are well positioned as intermediaries to link local governments and higher-education institutions, and their historic roots affirm their capacity to invest in the professionalization of the future public-service workforce. Yet, a recent survey of municipal associations revealed limited contact with higher-education institutions for the purpose of engaging students. Examples from Georgia, Iowa, and Washington highlight the potential role that municipal associations can have in the creation of service-learning opportunities for students. The demand for skilled workers in local government necessitates action by municipal associations and educators in political science to expand service-learning opportunities and access to local government.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"40 50","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141924163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-09DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000167
Nicole Wu, Patrick Y. Wu
Recent applications of new innovations in artificial intelligence have brought up questions about how this new technology will change the landscape and practices in a wide range of industries and sectors. This article focuses on the impact of generative large language models on teaching, learning, and academic assessment in political science education by analyzing two novel surveys administered by the discipline’s major professional body, the American Political Science Association. We present the results of these surveys and conclude with recommendations.
最近，人工智能创新技术的应用引发了一些问题，即这项新技术将如何改变各行各业的格局和实践。本文通过分析该学科的主要专业机构--美国政治学协会（American Political Science Association）所做的两项新调查，重点探讨了生成式大语言模型对政治学教育中的教学、学习和学术评估的影响。我们介绍了这些调查的结果，最后提出了一些建议。
{"title":"Surveying the Impact of Generative Artificial Intelligence on Political Science Education","authors":"Nicole Wu, Patrick Y. Wu","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000167","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Recent applications of new innovations in artificial intelligence have brought up questions about how this new technology will change the landscape and practices in a wide range of industries and sectors. This article focuses on the impact of generative large language models on teaching, learning, and academic assessment in political science education by analyzing two novel surveys administered by the discipline’s major professional body, the American Political Science Association. We present the results of these surveys and conclude with recommendations.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"39 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141922815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-21DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000179
Lucie Lu, Nora Webb Williams
Academic conferences are important institutions for promoting new research and facilitating conversations about the field. As a venue for knowledge exchange, professional development, and networking, conferences ideally promote positive environments that make scholars from underrepresented groups feel welcome. Yet, negative experiences at conferences are well documented. Codes of conduct have been promoted as tools to reduce harassment and discrimination. This article examines the prevalence and content of codes at US-based political science conferences and workshops. More specifically, we analyze whether and how codes address issues of sexual misconduct and identity-based discrimination. We find that 19% of 177 surveyed conferences have a code of conduct. Conferences that are older and larger are more likely to have codes, as are conferences that are run by organizations with permanent staff and relevant committees. We argue that effective conference codes must contain definitions, reporting channels, and enforcement procedures. Many of the analyzed codes did not explicitly define prohibited behaviors, specify mechanisms to report code violations, or describe consequences for misconduct.
{"title":"Codes of Conduct at Political Science Conferences: Prevalence and Content","authors":"Lucie Lu, Nora Webb Williams","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000179","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Academic conferences are important institutions for promoting new research and facilitating conversations about the field. As a venue for knowledge exchange, professional development, and networking, conferences ideally promote positive environments that make scholars from underrepresented groups feel welcome. Yet, negative experiences at conferences are well documented. Codes of conduct have been promoted as tools to reduce harassment and discrimination. This article examines the prevalence and content of codes at US-based political science conferences and workshops. More specifically, we analyze whether and how codes address issues of sexual misconduct and identity-based discrimination. We find that 19% of 177 surveyed conferences have a code of conduct. Conferences that are older and larger are more likely to have codes, as are conferences that are run by organizations with permanent staff and relevant committees. We argue that effective conference codes must contain definitions, reporting channels, and enforcement procedures. Many of the analyzed codes did not explicitly define prohibited behaviors, specify mechanisms to report code violations, or describe consequences for misconduct.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"82 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141116306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-12DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000143
Jeremy F. G. Moulton
This article presents a short simulation active-learning exercise that can be used in political science undergraduate and postgraduate environmental politics courses to introduce and teach the subject of environmental activism. The exercise, which asks students to role play as determined environmental activists, draws on an analytical framework from Diani and Donati (1999) that provides a typology of nonpartisan political organizations. This “learning through typology” allows students to prioritize critical analysis while engaging with the subject matter in a creative and enjoyable way. The article provides the full process of the exercise, from the grounding in the framework and provision of contextual examples, to the running of the simulation, and finally to the presentation of students’ work and a group debriefing session. This exercise therefore adds to the growing use of simulations and active learning in the increasingly prominent field of environmental politics.
{"title":"Developing a Critical Understanding of Environmental Activism through Active Learning","authors":"Jeremy F. G. Moulton","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000143","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article presents a short simulation active-learning exercise that can be used in political science undergraduate and postgraduate environmental politics courses to introduce and teach the subject of environmental activism. The exercise, which asks students to role play as determined environmental activists, draws on an analytical framework from Diani and Donati (1999) that provides a typology of nonpartisan political organizations. This “learning through typology” allows students to prioritize critical analysis while engaging with the subject matter in a creative and enjoyable way. The article provides the full process of the exercise, from the grounding in the framework and provision of contextual examples, to the running of the simulation, and finally to the presentation of students’ work and a group debriefing session. This exercise therefore adds to the growing use of simulations and active learning in the increasingly prominent field of environmental politics.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"103 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140709254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-11DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000131
Phillip J. Ardoin, William D. Hicks
ChatGPT has captured the attention of the academic world with its remarkable ability to write, summarize, and even pass rigorous exams. This article summarizes the primary concerns that political science faculty have about ChatGPT and similar AI software with regard to academia. We discuss results of a national survey of political scientists that we conducted in March 2023 to assess faculty attitudes toward ChatGPT and their strategies for effectively engaging with it in the classroom. We present several assignment ideas that limit the potential for cheating with ChatGPT—a primary concern of faculty—and describe ways to incorporate ChatGPT into faculty teaching. Several suggestions for syllabi that address political science students’ use of ChatGPT also are provided.
{"title":"Fear and Loathing: ChatGPT in the Political Science Classroom","authors":"Phillip J. Ardoin, William D. Hicks","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000131","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 ChatGPT has captured the attention of the academic world with its remarkable ability to write, summarize, and even pass rigorous exams. This article summarizes the primary concerns that political science faculty have about ChatGPT and similar AI software with regard to academia. We discuss results of a national survey of political scientists that we conducted in March 2023 to assess faculty attitudes toward ChatGPT and their strategies for effectively engaging with it in the classroom. We present several assignment ideas that limit the potential for cheating with ChatGPT—a primary concern of faculty—and describe ways to incorporate ChatGPT into faculty teaching. Several suggestions for syllabi that address political science students’ use of ChatGPT also are provided.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"15 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140714513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-11DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000040
Robert A. Pape, Kyle D. Larson, Keven G. Ruby
What are the local political, economic, and social conditions of the communities that sent insurrectionists to the US Capitol in support of Donald Trump? Using a new dataset of the home counties of individuals charged for the Capitol insurrection, we tested two prominent theories of electoral populism and support for populist leaders like Donald Trump—demographic change and manufacturing decline—and whether they also explain violent populism. We also examined the effects of local political conditions. We find that white population decline is a stronger predictor of violent populism and that counties that voted for Trump were less likely to fight for Trump. The effect of white population decline is even greater in counties whose US House Representative rejected the 2020 election results. These findings suggest scholars should resist assuming violent populism is merely an extension of electoral populism, and solutions to one will not necessarily remedy the other.
{"title":"The Political Geography of the January 6 Insurrectionists","authors":"Robert A. Pape, Kyle D. Larson, Keven G. Ruby","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000040","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 What are the local political, economic, and social conditions of the communities that sent insurrectionists to the US Capitol in support of Donald Trump? Using a new dataset of the home counties of individuals charged for the Capitol insurrection, we tested two prominent theories of electoral populism and support for populist leaders like Donald Trump—demographic change and manufacturing decline—and whether they also explain violent populism. We also examined the effects of local political conditions. We find that white population decline is a stronger predictor of violent populism and that counties that voted for Trump were less likely to fight for Trump. The effect of white population decline is even greater in counties whose US House Representative rejected the 2020 election results. These findings suggest scholars should resist assuming violent populism is merely an extension of electoral populism, and solutions to one will not necessarily remedy the other.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"21 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140714023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-05DOI: 10.1017/s104909652400009x
Taylor C. Boas
Focus groups have become increasingly popular in political science alongside the growth in field experimental and other causal inference-oriented work in comparative politics. Yet, scholars rarely provide details about recruitment processes and descriptive statistics on focus-group participants. This situation is problematic given the likelihood of self-selection and the fact that scholars often use focus groups to pretest or refine experimental treatments or survey questionnaires. By leveraging a series of focus groups that were recruited from a pool of large-N survey respondents, this article demonstrates a method for assessing which variables drive the decision to participate. I recommend that scholars diagnose self-selection into focus groups whenever possible; that they compare participants to relevant baselines when working with samples of convenience; and that they always provide descriptive statistics and details on how focus-group members were recruited.
随着比较政治学中田野实验和其他以因果推论为导向的工作的发展，焦点小组在政治学中也越来越受欢迎。然而，学者们很少提供有关焦点小组参与者的招募过程和描述性统计的详细信息。考虑到自我选择的可能性，以及学者们经常使用焦点小组来预先测试或完善实验处理或调查问卷，这种情况是有问题的。通过利用从大 N 调查受访者库中招募的一系列焦点小组，本文展示了一种评估哪些变量会促使受访者做出参与决定的方法。我建议学者们尽可能诊断焦点小组的自选情况；在使用便利样本时，将参与者与相关基线进行比较；并始终提供描述性统计数据和焦点小组成员招募方式的详细信息。
{"title":"Who Participates in Focus Groups? Diagnosing Self-Selection","authors":"Taylor C. Boas","doi":"10.1017/s104909652400009x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s104909652400009x","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Focus groups have become increasingly popular in political science alongside the growth in field experimental and other causal inference-oriented work in comparative politics. Yet, scholars rarely provide details about recruitment processes and descriptive statistics on focus-group participants. This situation is problematic given the likelihood of self-selection and the fact that scholars often use focus groups to pretest or refine experimental treatments or survey questionnaires. By leveraging a series of focus groups that were recruited from a pool of large-N survey respondents, this article demonstrates a method for assessing which variables drive the decision to participate. I recommend that scholars diagnose self-selection into focus groups whenever possible; that they compare participants to relevant baselines when working with samples of convenience; and that they always provide descriptive statistics and details on how focus-group members were recruited.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"5 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140738538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-03DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000052
Luigi Manzetti, T. Osang
There exists substantial evidence that technological innovation and, more specifically, innovation creating high-tech exports is a crucial driver for economic growth. However, there is less consensus about the factors that cause high-tech exports to thrive. Most studies emphasize the crucial role played by research and development expenditures, foreign direct investments, trade openness, human capital, and patents. In this article, we instead examine the role of a different determinant, which usually is overlooked in the scholarly debate about governance institutions. We use government effectives (GE) and rule of law (ROL) as measures of governance. We employ a panel-data approach encompassing more than 100 countries between 2007 and 2019. The panel estimates show a causal relationship linking GE and the ROL with high-tech exports.
{"title":"High-Tech Exports and Governance Institutions","authors":"Luigi Manzetti, T. Osang","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000052","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 There exists substantial evidence that technological innovation and, more specifically, innovation creating high-tech exports is a crucial driver for economic growth. However, there is less consensus about the factors that cause high-tech exports to thrive. Most studies emphasize the crucial role played by research and development expenditures, foreign direct investments, trade openness, human capital, and patents. In this article, we instead examine the role of a different determinant, which usually is overlooked in the scholarly debate about governance institutions. We use government effectives (GE) and rule of law (ROL) as measures of governance. We employ a panel-data approach encompassing more than 100 countries between 2007 and 2019. The panel estimates show a causal relationship linking GE and the ROL with high-tech exports.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140747085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s1049096524000039
Theresa Reidy, Daniel Stockemer
Since the 1990s, there has been consensus in the literature of a submission and publication gap that favors men. Important research in the intervening years has explored the many reasons for this output gap: imbalanced administrative workloads; bias in top journals against female-dominated subfields and methodological approaches; and lower confidence levels among women, sometimes known as the “Matthew effect.” However, in the intervening period, there has been a notable emphasis on recruiting more women into academia, and the importance of publishing for career development has intensified. Journal case studies have highlighted a growth in output by women academics but show that men are still overrepresented. Using a case study of the International Political Science Review (IPSR), we contribute to the emerging body of work that shows that the gender gap has diminished or even been eliminated. We present data on submissions and acceptances by gender, and we base our comparisons in the gender balance of the departments of submitting authors. The results are clear, for IPSR, the gender gap has closed and women now publish on a par with their men colleagues in their department.
{"title":"The Gender Publication Gap Revisited: Evidence from the International Political Science Review","authors":"Theresa Reidy, Daniel Stockemer","doi":"10.1017/s1049096524000039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1049096524000039","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Since the 1990s, there has been consensus in the literature of a submission and publication gap that favors men. Important research in the intervening years has explored the many reasons for this output gap: imbalanced administrative workloads; bias in top journals against female-dominated subfields and methodological approaches; and lower confidence levels among women, sometimes known as the “Matthew effect.” However, in the intervening period, there has been a notable emphasis on recruiting more women into academia, and the importance of publishing for career development has intensified. Journal case studies have highlighted a growth in output by women academics but show that men are still overrepresented. Using a case study of the International Political Science Review (IPSR), we contribute to the emerging body of work that shows that the gender gap has diminished or even been eliminated. We present data on submissions and acceptances by gender, and we base our comparisons in the gender balance of the departments of submitting authors. The results are clear, for IPSR, the gender gap has closed and women now publish on a par with their men colleagues in their department.","PeriodicalId":515403,"journal":{"name":"PS: Political Science & Politics","volume":"48 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140796777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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