Making the most of scarce biological resources in the desert: Loptuq material culture in Eastern Turkestan around 1900

IF 2.9 2区 医学 Q1 BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI:10.1186/s13002-024-00660-5
Patrick Hällzon, Zulhayat Ötkür, Sabira Ståhlberg, Ingvar Svanberg
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The taxa used by the Loptuq were documented by foreign explorers at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, prior to the forced resettlement of the group in the 1950s and subsequent destruction of their language, lifestyle and culture. Ethnobiology explores the relationship between humans and their environment, including the use of biological resources for different purposes. In several aspects, historical ethnobiology is more challenging; it studies this relationship in the past and therefore cannot verify results with informants. As the present study discusses an extinct culture on the basis of literary and material sources, we apply a method called source pluralism. This approach allows the inclusion and combination of a wide range of data and materials, even scraps of information from various sources, with the aim to understand phenomena which are sparsely mentioned in historical records. Travel reports by Swedish, British, German, American and Russian explorers together with linguistic data provide the most important sources for understanding Loptuq interaction with the environment and its biota. Especially the large number of toponyms and phytonyms recorded by the Swedish explorer Sven Hedin and materials from his expeditions, including voucher specimens kept in Stockholm in the herbarium of the Swedish Natural History Museum, and objects of material culture in the collections of the Ethnographical Museum, are crucial for our analysis about local knowledge among the Loptuq. Illustrations and photographs provide us with additional information. The question of how the Loptuq managed to survive at the fringe of a desert, a marsh and a lake which changed its location, intrigued all foreign visitors to the Lop Nor. The Loptuq’s main livelihood was fishing, hunting and gathering, and their material culture provided by plants and other organic materials included their usage, consumption and trade. Only a handful of species formed the basis of the Loptuq material culture, but they had learned to use these specific plants for a variety of purposes. The most important of these were Lop hemp, Poacynum pictum (Schrenk) Baill., the riparian tree Euphrates poplar, Populus euphratica Olivier, and the aquatic common reed, Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. ex Steud. Several species of tamarisk were used for fuel and building fences. A few plants were also harvested for making foodstuffs such as snacks and potherbs. In addition, the Loptuq also used fur, bird skins, down, feathers, mammal bones and fish bones for their material needs. The habitat provided cultural ecological services such as motifs for their folklore, linguistic expressions and songs, and the Loptuq engaged in small-scale bartering of plant products and furs with itinerant traders, which ensured them with a supply of metal for making tools. This article discusses the now extinct Loptuq material culture as it existed more than a hundred years ago, and how the scarce biological resources of their desert and marsh habitat were utilized. Loptuq adaptation strategies to the environment and local knowledge, transmitted over generations, which contributed to their survival and subsistence, were closely connected with the use of biological resources. For this study, a comprehensive approach has been adopted for the complex relationships between human, biota and landscape. The Loptuq are today largely ignored or deleted from history for political reasons and are seldom, if at all, mentioned in modern sources about the Lop Nor area. 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Abstract

Most fisher-gatherer communities we know of utilized a limited number of natural resources for their livelihood. The Turkic-speaking Loptuq (exonym Loplik, Loplyk) in the Lower Tarim River basin, Taklamakan desert, Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang), were no exception. Their habitat, the Lop Nor marsh and lake area, was surrounded by desert and very poor in plant species; the Loptuq had to make the most of a handful of available biological resources for housing, furniture, clothing and fabric, fishnets and traps, tools and other equipment. The taxa used by the Loptuq were documented by foreign explorers at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, prior to the forced resettlement of the group in the 1950s and subsequent destruction of their language, lifestyle and culture. Ethnobiology explores the relationship between humans and their environment, including the use of biological resources for different purposes. In several aspects, historical ethnobiology is more challenging; it studies this relationship in the past and therefore cannot verify results with informants. As the present study discusses an extinct culture on the basis of literary and material sources, we apply a method called source pluralism. This approach allows the inclusion and combination of a wide range of data and materials, even scraps of information from various sources, with the aim to understand phenomena which are sparsely mentioned in historical records. Travel reports by Swedish, British, German, American and Russian explorers together with linguistic data provide the most important sources for understanding Loptuq interaction with the environment and its biota. Especially the large number of toponyms and phytonyms recorded by the Swedish explorer Sven Hedin and materials from his expeditions, including voucher specimens kept in Stockholm in the herbarium of the Swedish Natural History Museum, and objects of material culture in the collections of the Ethnographical Museum, are crucial for our analysis about local knowledge among the Loptuq. Illustrations and photographs provide us with additional information. The question of how the Loptuq managed to survive at the fringe of a desert, a marsh and a lake which changed its location, intrigued all foreign visitors to the Lop Nor. The Loptuq’s main livelihood was fishing, hunting and gathering, and their material culture provided by plants and other organic materials included their usage, consumption and trade. Only a handful of species formed the basis of the Loptuq material culture, but they had learned to use these specific plants for a variety of purposes. The most important of these were Lop hemp, Poacynum pictum (Schrenk) Baill., the riparian tree Euphrates poplar, Populus euphratica Olivier, and the aquatic common reed, Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. ex Steud. Several species of tamarisk were used for fuel and building fences. A few plants were also harvested for making foodstuffs such as snacks and potherbs. In addition, the Loptuq also used fur, bird skins, down, feathers, mammal bones and fish bones for their material needs. The habitat provided cultural ecological services such as motifs for their folklore, linguistic expressions and songs, and the Loptuq engaged in small-scale bartering of plant products and furs with itinerant traders, which ensured them with a supply of metal for making tools. This article discusses the now extinct Loptuq material culture as it existed more than a hundred years ago, and how the scarce biological resources of their desert and marsh habitat were utilized. Loptuq adaptation strategies to the environment and local knowledge, transmitted over generations, which contributed to their survival and subsistence, were closely connected with the use of biological resources. For this study, a comprehensive approach has been adopted for the complex relationships between human, biota and landscape. The Loptuq are today largely ignored or deleted from history for political reasons and are seldom, if at all, mentioned in modern sources about the Lop Nor area. Their experience and knowledge, however, could be useful today, in a period of rapid climate change, for others living in or at the fringe of expanding deserts.
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充分利用沙漠中稀缺的生物资源:1900 年前后东突厥斯坦的罗布泊物质文化
据我们所知,大多数渔民-采集者社区仅利用有限的自然资源为生。位于东突厥斯坦(新疆)塔克拉玛干沙漠塔里木河下游流域、讲突厥语的罗布泊人(原名 Loplik、Loplyk)也不例外。他们的栖息地罗布泊沼泽和湖泊地区被沙漠包围,植物物种非常贫乏;罗布泊人不得不充分利用现有的少量生物资源建造房屋、家具、衣服和织物、鱼网和陷阱、工具和其他设备。十九世纪末二十世纪初,外国探险家对洛普图克人使用的分类群进行了记录,在此之前的二十世纪五十年代,该群体被迫重新定居,其语言、生活方式和文化随之遭到破坏。民族生物学探讨人类与其环境之间的关系,包括出于不同目的对生物资源的利用。在某些方面,历史民族生物学更具挑战性;它研究的是过去的这种关系,因此无法与信息提供者核实研究结果。由于本研究是在文学和物质资料的基础上讨论一种已灭绝的文化,因此我们采用了一种称为资料来源多元化的方法。这种方法允许纳入和组合各种数据和材料,甚至是来自不同来源的信息碎片,目的是了解历史记录中很少提及的现象。瑞典、英国、德国、美国和俄罗斯探险家的旅行报告以及语言数据为了解 Loptuq 与环境及其生物群的互动提供了最重要的资料来源。特别是瑞典探险家斯文-赫定(Sven Hedin)记录的大量地名和植物术语,以及他的探险材料,包括保存在斯德哥尔摩瑞典自然历史博物馆植物标本室的凭证标本和民族学博物馆收藏的物质文化物品,对于我们分析 Loptuq 人的地方知识至关重要。插图和照片为我们提供了更多信息。罗布泊人是如何在沙漠、沼泽和湖泊的边缘地带生存下来的?罗布泊人的主要生计是捕鱼、狩猎和采集,他们的物质文化由植物和其他有机材料提供,包括使用、消费和贸易。只有少数几种植物构成了罗布泊物质文化的基础,但他们已经学会将这些特定植物用于各种用途。其中最重要的是罗布麻(Poacynum pictum (Schrenk) Baill.)、河岸树幼发拉底河杨(Populus euphratica Olivier)和水生芦苇(Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin.有几种柽柳被用作燃料和修建篱笆。一些植物还被用来制作点心和雪里蕻等食品。此外,洛普图克人还利用毛皮、鸟皮、羽绒、羽毛、哺乳动物骨头和鱼骨来满足他们的物质需求。栖息地提供了文化生态服务,如民俗、语言表达和歌曲的主题,洛普图克人还与流动商人进行小规模的植物产品和毛皮交换,这确保了他们制造工具的金属供应。本文讨论了一百多年前现已灭绝的洛普图克物质文化,以及如何利用沙漠和沼泽栖息地稀缺的生物资源。洛普图克人对环境的适应策略和世代相传的当地知识有助于他们的生存和生计,这些都与生物资源的利用密切相关。在这项研究中,我们采用了一种综合方法来研究人类、生物群和景观之间的复杂关系。如今,由于政治原因,罗布泊人在很大程度上被忽视或从历史中删除,在有关罗布泊地区的现代资料中也很少提及他们。然而,在气候变化迅速的今天,他们的经验和知识对生活在沙漠中或沙漠边缘地区的其他人可能是有用的。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
7.30
自引率
16.70%
发文量
66
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine publishes original research focusing on cultural perceptions of nature and of human and animal health. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine invites research articles, reviews and commentaries concerning the investigations of the inextricable links between human societies and nature, food, and health. Specifically, the journal covers the following topics: ethnobotany, ethnomycology, ethnozoology, ethnoecology (including ethnopedology), ethnogastronomy, ethnomedicine, ethnoveterinary, as well as all related areas in environmental, nutritional, and medical anthropology. Research focusing on the implications that the inclusion of humanistic, cultural, and social dimensions have in understanding the biological word is also welcome, as well as its potential projections in public health-centred, nutritional, and environmental policies.
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