It Costs To Exist: Acceptability Judgments of the Temporal Concord of the Auxiliary Verbs You and Hui in Taiwan Mandarin.

IF 1.6 2区 文学 Q1 LINGUISTICS Journal of Psycholinguistic Research Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI:10.1007/s10936-024-10086-5
Aymeric Collart
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Abstract

The mechanisms underlying the processing of the temporal reference of a sentence are still unexplored. Most of the previous psycholinguistic studies used the temporal concord violation between deictic time adverbs and tense marking on the verb to investigate this issue. They found that processing past tense marking is more difficult than non-past tense, indicated by lower accuracy rates and/or longer reaction time. However, it is not clear whether this complexity is due to tense marking or the temporal reference it denotes. This paper examines this issue with a judgment acceptability experiment in Taiwan Mandarin, which is analyzed as a tenseless language. The two modal auxiliary verbs you and hui were placed after deictic past time adverbs (grammatical with you but not with hui) and deictic future time adverbs (grammatical with hui but not with you). The temporal concord violation of the auxiliary verb you led to higher acceptability rates but longer reaction time than hui, reflecting higher processing difficulties. This paper argues that these complexities are due to the existential-assertive meaning of you, which interplays with the meaning of the event described by the verb rendering the situation more or less likely to occur in the future. The computation of the temporal concord of hui, displaying a future sense meaning, is more straightforward and therefore easier to process. This suggests that the mechanisms responsible for temporal reference processing are of different nature depending on the semantics of the temporal marker in the sentence.

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存在的代价:台湾普通话中助动词 "你 "和 "惠 "的时间协和性的可接受性判断。
句子中时间参照的处理机制仍有待探索。以往的心理语言学研究大多使用动词上的时间副词和时态标记之间的时间协和违例来研究这一问题。他们发现,处理过去式标记比处理非过去式标记更困难,表现为准确率较低和/或反应时间较长。然而,目前还不清楚这种复杂性是由时态标记造成的,还是由它所表示的时间参照造成的。本文通过台湾普通话的判断可接受性实验来研究这个问题,台湾普通话被分析为无时态语言。两个情态助动词 "你 "和 "惠 "分别被置于去时副词(与 "你 "合语法,与 "惠 "不合语法)和去时副词(与 "惠 "合语法,与 "你 "不合语法)之后。与 hui 相比,助动词 you 的时间协和违反导致了更高的接受率,但反应时间更长,反映了更高的处理难度。本文认为,这些复杂性是由于 you 的存在性-肯定性意义造成的,它与动词所描述事件的意义相互作用,使情况在未来发生的可能性增大或减小。而表示未来意义的 hui 的时间连词的计算则更为简单,因此也更容易处理。这表明,根据句子中时间标记的语义,负责时间参照处理的机制具有不同的性质。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.00
自引率
5.00%
发文量
92
期刊介绍: Journal of Psycholinguistic Research publishes carefully selected papers from the several disciplines engaged in psycholinguistic research, providing a single, recognized medium for communications among linguists, psychologists, biologists, sociologists, and others. The journal covers a broad range of approaches to the study of the communicative process, including: the social and anthropological bases of communication; development of speech and language; semantics (problems in linguistic meaning); and biological foundations. Papers dealing with the psychopathology of language and cognition, and the neuropsychology of language and cognition, are also included.
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