Tracing Infrastructure and its Evolution in the Search for the Missing in Poland

Anna Matyska
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Abstract

Every day around the globe, people go missing for any number of reasons. Some disappearances are intentional, others are enforced by oppressive political regimes or the result of natural disasters. Whatever the reason, these disappearances produce family ruptures and anxieties, and require a search to establish, at the very least, whether the missing person is dead or alive. In Poland, the number of reported disappearances gradually rose to 20 000 by 2018. (For comparison, other countries’ figures vary widely due to the diverse contexts and calculations used—for instance, Finland records 700–800 missing incidents annually, while in the UK there are over 300 000.) The increase in Poland’s figures results from the sheer growth in disappearances given the ease of movement and rising socioeconomic pressures, bringing with them health issues, debt, and family conflicts. The increase in disappearance figures also results from an increased willingness among families to report missing persons and a willingness among the police to accept such reports. I associate the rising sociopolitical recognition of disappearances in Poland with the expansion of tracing infrastructure, which I define as the interlocking assembly of state and nonstate agents, institutions, and technologies engaged in the search for missing persons.
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追踪波兰搜寻失踪人员过程中的基础设施及其演变
全球每天都有人因各种原因失踪。有些人的失踪是故意的,有些人的失踪是专制政体造成的,有些人的失踪是自然灾害造成的。不管是什么原因,这些失踪事件都会造成家庭破裂和焦虑,需要进行搜寻,至少要确定失踪者是死是活。在波兰,报告的失踪人数到 2018 年逐渐上升到 2 万人。(作为比较,其他国家的数字因背景和计算方法不同而有很大差异--例如,芬兰每年记录的失踪事件为 700-800 起,而英国则超过 30 万起)。波兰数字的增加是由于失踪人数的增长,因为人口流动方便,社会经济压力不断增加,带来了健康问题、债务和家庭矛盾。失踪人数的增加还因为失踪人员的家庭更愿意报告失踪人员,警方也愿意接受这些报告。我将波兰失踪现象的社会政治认可度上升与追踪基础设施的扩大联系起来,我将追踪基础设施定义为参与搜寻失踪人员的国家和非国家代理人、机构和技术的连锁组合。
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