Technology and the Common Good: The Unity and Division of a Democratic Society by Allen W. Batteau (review)

IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Technology and Culture Pub Date : 2024-07-19 DOI:10.1353/tech.2024.a933120
Thomas A. Stapleford
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In her 1990 book <em>Governing the Commons</em> and subsequent research, Ostrom examines how, despite the “tragedy of the commons” predicted by rational choice theory, communities have in fact found ways to manage shared goods, whether natural resources, shared spaces, or more metaphorical commons such as knowledge. Batteau aims to build on Ostrom’s work by highlighting the critical role modern technology has played in both creating and governing the physical and metaphorical commons of contemporary life. In Batteau’s eyes, as in much of this literature, common goods are both the source and site for struggles to identify and shape <em>the</em> common good.</p> <p>The strongest parts of Batteau’s book explore how modern technology has created new common goods and thus the need for new governance strategies (e.g., chs. 4 and 5). For example, airflight opened a new common physical space, airspace, but likewise created the need to regulate and control movement through that space, eventually instantiated in elaborate national and international policies governing air travel. More metaphorically, we can think about the common “spaces” of the radio frequency spectrum (allocated by <strong>[End Page 1026]</strong> governments for various purposes) or the virtual “commons” of social media platforms such as Facebook. Beyond creating new commons, modern technology has extended the ability of human action in one locale to affect common goods in far distant places (just think of global warming, for example), thereby extending and integrating previously localized common goods into broader, at times global, common goods that demand an appropriately global governance strategy. Of course, modern technology has not only constructed or altered these commons; it has also become essential to managing them.</p> <p>To this promising line of analysis, Batteau has wedded a more tendentious and underdeveloped historical thesis, namely that while material culture and artifacts have existed since the beginnings of human civilization, “technology” per se is a more recent phenomenon. Batteau has different stories about precisely what distinguishes “technology” (in his usage) from other material culture and when this new form emerged. Thus on the very first page, he attributes it to the coining of the word “technology” in 1612 (though this occurred in a theological treatise); to the union of “a discourse of <em>téchnē</em>” with “learned authority represented by written language” (though this happened well before 1612); to the Industrial Revolution (always a contentious term but generally dated to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries); and to the erasure of class distinctions between “rude mechanicals” and “educated gentlemen” (seemingly a late nineteenth-century phenomenon). Later, Batteau links technology to systems of mass production, standardization, and mass distribution of manufactured goods (p. 13), developments that date to the latter half of the nineteenth century at the earliest. Batteau is an anthropologist by training, not a historian, and he is surely correct to identify vast and important differences in the structure, capabilities, and affordances of artifacts, as well as how they are produced, distributed, used, and conceived, when comparing, say, 1920s America to isolated Indigenous tribes, ancient societies, or even medieval Europe. Yet to isolate the different dimensions along which these differences occur and to track when and where they emerged requires a much more finely grained and broadly sourced account than Batteau is able to provide in two short chapters.</p> <p>Historical genesis aside, Batteau wants readers to recognize how Ostrom’s institutional strategies for managing shared resources can and should be applied to new, technologically mediated commons. He worries deeply that what he describes as neoliberal privatization (such as the corporately owned commons of social media) represents a new form of the sixteenth-century British enclosure movement, in which technology fosters ostensibly open public spaces that gradually become more heavily controlled by private owners. 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Abstract

Reviewed by:

  • Technology and the Common Good: The Unity and Division of a Democratic Society by Allen W. Batteau
  • Thomas A. Stapleford (bio)
Technology and the Common Good: The Unity and Division of a Democratic Society
By Allen W. Batteau. New York: Berghahn Books, 2022. Pp. 205.

Technology and the Common Good provides an ambitious but sometimes loosely argued synthesis that combines critical perspectives on technology with Elinor Ostrom’s Nobel Prize–winning analyses of the political economy of shared resources. In her 1990 book Governing the Commons and subsequent research, Ostrom examines how, despite the “tragedy of the commons” predicted by rational choice theory, communities have in fact found ways to manage shared goods, whether natural resources, shared spaces, or more metaphorical commons such as knowledge. Batteau aims to build on Ostrom’s work by highlighting the critical role modern technology has played in both creating and governing the physical and metaphorical commons of contemporary life. In Batteau’s eyes, as in much of this literature, common goods are both the source and site for struggles to identify and shape the common good.

The strongest parts of Batteau’s book explore how modern technology has created new common goods and thus the need for new governance strategies (e.g., chs. 4 and 5). For example, airflight opened a new common physical space, airspace, but likewise created the need to regulate and control movement through that space, eventually instantiated in elaborate national and international policies governing air travel. More metaphorically, we can think about the common “spaces” of the radio frequency spectrum (allocated by [End Page 1026] governments for various purposes) or the virtual “commons” of social media platforms such as Facebook. Beyond creating new commons, modern technology has extended the ability of human action in one locale to affect common goods in far distant places (just think of global warming, for example), thereby extending and integrating previously localized common goods into broader, at times global, common goods that demand an appropriately global governance strategy. Of course, modern technology has not only constructed or altered these commons; it has also become essential to managing them.

To this promising line of analysis, Batteau has wedded a more tendentious and underdeveloped historical thesis, namely that while material culture and artifacts have existed since the beginnings of human civilization, “technology” per se is a more recent phenomenon. Batteau has different stories about precisely what distinguishes “technology” (in his usage) from other material culture and when this new form emerged. Thus on the very first page, he attributes it to the coining of the word “technology” in 1612 (though this occurred in a theological treatise); to the union of “a discourse of téchnē” with “learned authority represented by written language” (though this happened well before 1612); to the Industrial Revolution (always a contentious term but generally dated to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries); and to the erasure of class distinctions between “rude mechanicals” and “educated gentlemen” (seemingly a late nineteenth-century phenomenon). Later, Batteau links technology to systems of mass production, standardization, and mass distribution of manufactured goods (p. 13), developments that date to the latter half of the nineteenth century at the earliest. Batteau is an anthropologist by training, not a historian, and he is surely correct to identify vast and important differences in the structure, capabilities, and affordances of artifacts, as well as how they are produced, distributed, used, and conceived, when comparing, say, 1920s America to isolated Indigenous tribes, ancient societies, or even medieval Europe. Yet to isolate the different dimensions along which these differences occur and to track when and where they emerged requires a much more finely grained and broadly sourced account than Batteau is able to provide in two short chapters.

Historical genesis aside, Batteau wants readers to recognize how Ostrom’s institutional strategies for managing shared resources can and should be applied to new, technologically mediated commons. He worries deeply that what he describes as neoliberal privatization (such as the corporately owned commons of social media) represents a new form of the sixteenth-century British enclosure movement, in which technology fosters ostensibly open public spaces that gradually become more heavily controlled by private owners. To resist...

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技术与共同利益:Allen W. Batteau 著《技术与共同利益:民主社会的统一与分裂》(评论)
评论者: 技术与共同利益:技术与共同利益:民主社会的统一与分裂 作者:Allen W. Batteau Thomas A. Stapleford (bio) 技术与共同利益:民主社会的统一与分裂 作者:Allen W. Batteau:技术与共同利益:民主社会的统一与分裂 作者:Allen W. Batteau。纽约:Berghahn Books, 2022.第 205 页。技术与共同利益》是一本雄心勃勃但有时论证松散的综合著作,它将对技术的批判性观点与埃莉诺-奥斯特罗姆(Elinor Ostrom)获得诺贝尔奖的共享资源政治经济学分析相结合。奥斯特罗姆在 1990 年出版的《治理公地》一书及随后的研究中,探讨了尽管理性选择理论预言了 "公地悲剧",但事实上社区如何找到了管理共享物品的方法,无论是自然资源、共享空间,还是更具隐喻性的公地(如知识)。巴托旨在以奥斯特罗姆的研究为基础,强调现代技术在创造和管理当代生活中的物质和隐喻公地方面所发挥的关键作用。在 Batteau 的眼中,就像在许多文献中一样,公共物品既是识别和塑造共同利益的源泉,也是为之奋斗的场所。巴托书中最精彩的部分探讨了现代技术如何创造了新的公共物品,从而需要新的治理策略(如第 4 章和第 5 章)。例如,空中飞行开辟了一个新的共同物理空间--空域,但同样也产生了规范和控制该空间流动的需求,最终体现为管理航空旅行的详尽的国家和国际政策。更具隐喻性的是,我们可以考虑无线电频谱的公共 "空间"(由 [End Page 1026] 政府为各种目的分配)或 Facebook 等社交媒体平台的虚拟 "公共空间"。除了创造新的公域之外,现代技术还扩展了人类在某一地区的行动能力,使其能够影响到遥远地区的共同物品(例如,想想全球变暖),从而将以前本地化的共同物品扩展和整合为更广泛的、有时是全球性的共同物品,这就要求采取适当的全球治理战略。当然,现代技术不仅构建或改变了这些公共产品,也成为管理这些产品的关键。在这一充满希望的分析思路之外,巴托还提出了一个更具倾向性且发展不足的历史论点,即虽然物质文化和人工制品自人类文明之初就已存在,但 "技术 "本身却是近代才出现的现象。关于 "技术"(在他的用法中)与其他物质文化的确切区别,以及这种新形式是何时出现的,巴托有不同的说法。因此,在第一页,他就将其归因于 1612 年 "技术 "一词的创造(尽管这发生在一篇神学论文中);归因于 "技术话语 "与 "以书面语言为代表的学术权威 "的结合(尽管这发生在 1612 年之前);工业革命(这一直是一个有争议的术语,但一般被归结为十八世纪和十九世纪);以及 "粗鲁的机械工人 "和 "受过教育的绅士 "之间的阶级差别的消除(似乎是十九世纪晚期的现象)。随后,Batteau 将技术与制成品的大规模生产、标准化和大规模分销系统联系起来(第 13 页),这些发展最早可追溯到 19 世纪后半叶。巴托是受过训练的人类学家,而非历史学家,当把 20 世纪 20 年代的美国与孤立的土著部落、古代社会甚至中世纪的欧洲相比较时,他在人工制品的结构、能力和可承受性,以及它们的生产、分配、使用和构思方式等方面发现了巨大而重要的差异,这无疑是正确的。然而,要分离出这些差异出现的不同维度,并追踪它们出现的时间和地点,需要比巴托在短短两章中所能提供的更精细、来源更广泛的论述。撇开历史渊源不谈,巴托希望读者认识到奥斯特罗姆管理共享资源的制度战略如何能够并应该应用于新的、以技术为媒介的公地。他深感忧虑的是,他所描述的新自由主义私有化(如社交媒体的企业公有化)代表了十六世纪英国圈地运动的一种新形式,在这场运动中,技术促进了表面上开放的公共空间,但这些空间逐渐受到私人所有者的更多控制。为了抵制...
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来源期刊
Technology and Culture
Technology and Culture 社会科学-科学史与科学哲学
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
14.30%
发文量
225
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: Technology and Culture, the preeminent journal of the history of technology, draws on scholarship in diverse disciplines to publish insightful pieces intended for general readers as well as specialists. Subscribers include scientists, engineers, anthropologists, sociologists, economists, museum curators, archivists, scholars, librarians, educators, historians, and many others. In addition to scholarly essays, each issue features 30-40 book reviews and reviews of new museum exhibitions. To illuminate important debates and draw attention to specific topics, the journal occasionally publishes thematic issues. Technology and Culture is the official journal of the Society for the History of Technology (SHOT).
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