Dependencies between adverbs and sentence-final particles: A case of confirmative and non-confirmative modals in Cantonese

Abstract

This study examines the evidentiality and epistemic modality of the Cantonese adverb mai6, the sentence-final particle (SFP) lo1, and the mai6…lo1 construction. I argue that mai6 functions as an inferential evidential, while lo1 expresses the speaker’s epistemic attitude. Their co-occurrence in the mai6…lo1 construction highlights the overlap between epistemic modality and evidentiality, with epistemic modality being stronger and evidentiality weak. This pairing represents two type-matching modals with varying strengths. The unacceptability of mai6 occurring independently suggests that the distinction between confirmation and non-confirmation is crucial in determining the distribution of evidential adverbs and epistemic modals. To avoid double realisation of a single modality, confirmative modal SFPs act as strength manipulators, enhancing modal strength of their non-confirmative counterparts. The force of the non-confirmative type is then converted from weak to strong confirmation. Finally, confirmative SFPs vary in their levels of confirmation: strong confirmative SFPs can occur with non-confirmative morphemes or independently, while weak ones can only occur independently.