{"title":"Old Basque had */χ/, not /h/","authors":"Julen Manterola, J. Hualde","doi":"10.1075/jhl.19041.man","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\n The sound change from Latin /f/ to Old Spanish and Gascon /h/ has often been attributed to stratal influence from\n Basque. The motivation would be that Old Basque lacked /f/, and instead had a phoneme /h/, with which bilingual speakers replaced\n it when speaking in Romance. However, this hypothesis presents several difficulties. Most importantly, Navarrese Romance preserves\n Latin /f/, and in Basque itself, /f/ is adapted as /b/ in loanwords from Latin and Romance, not as /h/. Here we will argue that\n Old Basque had neither /f/ nor /h/. Instead, modern Basque /h/ derives from older */χ/. Medieval data will play an important role\n in establishing this. This hypothesis explains a number of morphophonological alternations, as well as some puzzling aspects in\n the treatment of aspiration in Romance borrowings, and it also makes it more difficult to hold to the stratal hypothesis for the\n Romance change /f/ > /h/.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2021-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.19041.man","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
The sound change from Latin /f/ to Old Spanish and Gascon /h/ has often been attributed to stratal influence from
Basque. The motivation would be that Old Basque lacked /f/, and instead had a phoneme /h/, with which bilingual speakers replaced
it when speaking in Romance. However, this hypothesis presents several difficulties. Most importantly, Navarrese Romance preserves
Latin /f/, and in Basque itself, /f/ is adapted as /b/ in loanwords from Latin and Romance, not as /h/. Here we will argue that
Old Basque had neither /f/ nor /h/. Instead, modern Basque /h/ derives from older */χ/. Medieval data will play an important role
in establishing this. This hypothesis explains a number of morphophonological alternations, as well as some puzzling aspects in
the treatment of aspiration in Romance borrowings, and it also makes it more difficult to hold to the stratal hypothesis for the
Romance change /f/ > /h/.
期刊介绍：
The Journal of Historical Linguistics aims to publish, after peer-review, papers that make a significant contribution to the theory and/or methodology of historical linguistics. Papers dealing with any language or language family are welcome. Papers should have a diachronic orientation and should offer new perspectives, refine existing methodologies, or challenge received wisdom, on the basis of careful analysis of extant historical data. We are especially keen to publish work which links historical linguistics to corpus-based research, linguistic typology, language variation, language contact, or the study of language and cognition, all of which constitute a major source of methodological renewal for the discipline and shed light on aspects of language change. Contributions in areas such as diachronic corpus linguistics or diachronic typology are therefore particularly welcome.
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