{"title":"The segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, A Tibeto-Burman language of Bangladesh","authors":"Muhammad Zakaria","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.19006.ZAK","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\n This paper presents a description and analysis of segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, a Tibeto-Burman language\n spoken by almost 4,000 people in the southeast of Bangladesh. Hyow demonstrates phonological features which are absent in other Chin\n languages of the Tibeto-Burman branch. Proto Kuki-Chin initial voiceless nasals are not only preserved in Mara and Central Chin languages\n (Van Bik 2009: 220), but also in Hyow. Unlike other Southern Chin languages, Hyow final liquids are sometimes preserved or developed into\n central approximants. In fact, final liquids are preserved in Bangladesh Hyow, and in two varieties of Laitu – Keyni and Myebon – and Laisaw\n in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. The salient and prevalent phonological process of re-syllabification in Hyow demonstrates that the glottal\n stop cannot be treated as a phonetic property of the coda-cluster sonorants, which is otherwise treated as glottalized in some Chin\n languages by scholars, e.g. Hakha Lai (Hyman & Van Bik 2002: 114). Hyow does not show a\n phonemic contrast between long and short vowels which is very often found in Chin languages. Though Mainland Southeast Asian Languages are\n profoundly known for having sesquisyllables or reduced syllables, in Hyow, vowels of initial syllables of disyllabic words carrying\n grammatical morphemes are harmonized with vowels of root-initial syllables, which confirms the absence of such type of reduced syllables in\n Hyow. The phonological description and analysis in this paper are furthermore supported by phonetic data and illustrations. Discussions of\n variant phonetic realizations of certain segments have also been included.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.19006.ZAK","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
This paper presents a description and analysis of segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, a Tibeto-Burman language
spoken by almost 4,000 people in the southeast of Bangladesh. Hyow demonstrates phonological features which are absent in other Chin
languages of the Tibeto-Burman branch. Proto Kuki-Chin initial voiceless nasals are not only preserved in Mara and Central Chin languages
(Van Bik 2009: 220), but also in Hyow. Unlike other Southern Chin languages, Hyow final liquids are sometimes preserved or developed into
central approximants. In fact, final liquids are preserved in Bangladesh Hyow, and in two varieties of Laitu – Keyni and Myebon – and Laisaw
in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. The salient and prevalent phonological process of re-syllabification in Hyow demonstrates that the glottal
stop cannot be treated as a phonetic property of the coda-cluster sonorants, which is otherwise treated as glottalized in some Chin
languages by scholars, e.g. Hakha Lai (Hyman & Van Bik 2002: 114). Hyow does not show a
phonemic contrast between long and short vowels which is very often found in Chin languages. Though Mainland Southeast Asian Languages are
profoundly known for having sesquisyllables or reduced syllables, in Hyow, vowels of initial syllables of disyllabic words carrying
grammatical morphemes are harmonized with vowels of root-initial syllables, which confirms the absence of such type of reduced syllables in
Hyow. The phonological description and analysis in this paper are furthermore supported by phonetic data and illustrations. Discussions of
variant phonetic realizations of certain segments have also been included.