Abstract This paper focuses on stem alternations in Pingwu Baima (Tibetic). It examines a larger corpus of data than the corpora in previous works and systematically relates alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms. Our data reveal a relatively high number of alternating verbs in Baima, with verbs with two stems constituting the absolute majority of all alternating verbs. A systematic comparison of alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms confirms that stem alternations in Baima regularly reflect OT verb morphology. Such a comparison also reveals a clear tendency toward elimination in Baima of a separate imperative stem of classical paradigms. This tendency toward elimination of the imperative stem has not been commonly reported in modern Tibetic languages. An examination of Baima verb stem alternation in the context of its neighboring Tibetic and non-Tibetic varieties suggests language contact as a possible trigger for this development.
{"title":"Verb stem alternations in Pingwu Baima","authors":"Katia Chirkova, Skalbzang Tshering","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22016.chi","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22016.chi","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper focuses on stem alternations in Pingwu Baima (Tibetic). It examines a larger corpus of data than the corpora in previous works and systematically relates alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms. Our data reveal a relatively high number of alternating verbs in Baima, with verbs with two stems constituting the absolute majority of all alternating verbs. A systematic comparison of alternating verbs to classical WT paradigms confirms that stem alternations in Baima regularly reflect OT verb morphology. Such a comparison also reveals a clear tendency toward elimination in Baima of a separate imperative stem of classical paradigms. This tendency toward elimination of the imperative stem has not been commonly reported in modern Tibetic languages. An examination of Baima verb stem alternation in the context of its neighboring Tibetic and non-Tibetic varieties suggests language contact as a possible trigger for this development.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper presents a comprehensive synchronic study of Stau kinship terms, offering a detailed analysis of their classifications and characteristics. Stau kinship terms are categorized into vocative and referential/possessive forms. Vocative kinship terms follow the intonation pattern of other vocative phrases, particularly barytonesis, which involves stress and intonation shifting from the second syllable to the first. The paper explores the distinctions within younger sibling relationships, dividing kinship terms into male Ego and female Ego categories based on the sex of the connecting relative. The kinship prefix æ - , commonly found in Qiangic languages, is exclusively used in vocative and referential/possessive kinship terms referring to older kin (both male and female). The study also identifies specific vocative and referential kinship terms that describe dyads of kinship relationships, similar to Tibetic languages like the Amdo dialects spoken in Stau-speaking areas. Stau maintains a sex-based distinction for kinship terms across all generations. Referential/possessive kinship terms in Gen −1 and Gen −2 differentiate between lineal and collateral relationships, while in vocative terms, only Gen −1 distinguishes between lineal and collateral relatives. Gen +1 consanguineal vocative kinship terms exhibit distinctions for lineal/collateral and matrilateral/patrilateral relationships. However, the matrilateral/patrilateral distinction is neutralized in Gen +1 affinal vocative kinship terms. Gen +1 affinal referential/possessive kinship terms differentiate matrilateral and patrilateral relationships when using a possessive phrase, but not when using the simple base term. Age relative to Ego plays a distinct role in Gen 0 kinship terms, both vocative and referential/possessive. Sibling terms are differentiated from cousin terms in Gen 0 referential/possessive terms using the tʰɛv(=ɡə ŋə-rə) ‘is a relative’ copula phrase. Regarding cousin kinship typology, Stau aligns with the Hawaiian type in the vocative and the Eskimo type in the referential. The Hawaiian type serves as the foundational basis due to shared roots in both vocative and referential contexts. For Gen +1 terms, Stau follows the Sudanese system, each consanguineal kin with their own term. Gen −1 terms follow the Eskimo system.
{"title":"Kinship terms in Stau","authors":"Jesse P. Gates","doi":"10.1075/ltba.23006.gat","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.23006.gat","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper presents a comprehensive synchronic study of Stau kinship terms, offering a detailed analysis of their classifications and characteristics. Stau kinship terms are categorized into vocative and referential/possessive forms. Vocative kinship terms follow the intonation pattern of other vocative phrases, particularly barytonesis, which involves stress and intonation shifting from the second syllable to the first. The paper explores the distinctions within younger sibling relationships, dividing kinship terms into male Ego and female Ego categories based on the sex of the connecting relative. The kinship prefix æ - , commonly found in Qiangic languages, is exclusively used in vocative and referential/possessive kinship terms referring to older kin (both male and female). The study also identifies specific vocative and referential kinship terms that describe dyads of kinship relationships, similar to Tibetic languages like the Amdo dialects spoken in Stau-speaking areas. Stau maintains a sex-based distinction for kinship terms across all generations. Referential/possessive kinship terms in Gen −1 and Gen −2 differentiate between lineal and collateral relationships, while in vocative terms, only Gen −1 distinguishes between lineal and collateral relatives. Gen +1 consanguineal vocative kinship terms exhibit distinctions for lineal/collateral and matrilateral/patrilateral relationships. However, the matrilateral/patrilateral distinction is neutralized in Gen +1 affinal vocative kinship terms. Gen +1 affinal referential/possessive kinship terms differentiate matrilateral and patrilateral relationships when using a possessive phrase, but not when using the simple base term. Age relative to Ego plays a distinct role in Gen 0 kinship terms, both vocative and referential/possessive. Sibling terms are differentiated from cousin terms in Gen 0 referential/possessive terms using the tʰɛv(=ɡə ŋə-rə) ‘is a relative’ copula phrase. Regarding cousin kinship typology, Stau aligns with the Hawaiian type in the vocative and the Eskimo type in the referential. The Hawaiian type serves as the foundational basis due to shared roots in both vocative and referential contexts. For Gen +1 terms, Stau follows the Sudanese system, each consanguineal kin with their own term. Gen −1 terms follow the Eskimo system.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article presents the first diachronic investigation of the honorific register in Tibetic languages. Although all historically attested Tibetic languages possess at least some rudimentary forms used to convey respect to others, no reconstruction of their origins has been previously attempted. In the article, the distinction is made between primary or simple honorifics and secondary or complex honorifics that are derived from the primary ones. It is argued that primary honorifics evolved from common lexical units by metaphorical extension and, strengthened through their use in ceremonial contexts, were eventually re-interpreted as expressing social deixis, originally with respect to the royal family, later extended to other persons of higher social standing.
{"title":"Emergence of the honorific register in Tibetic languages","authors":"Joanna Bialek","doi":"10.1075/ltba.23010.bia","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.23010.bia","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article presents the first diachronic investigation of the honorific register in Tibetic languages. Although all historically attested Tibetic languages possess at least some rudimentary forms used to convey respect to others, no reconstruction of their origins has been previously attempted. In the article, the distinction is made between primary or simple honorifics and secondary or complex honorifics that are derived from the primary ones. It is argued that primary honorifics evolved from common lexical units by metaphorical extension and, strengthened through their use in ceremonial contexts, were eventually re-interpreted as expressing social deixis, originally with respect to the royal family, later extended to other persons of higher social standing.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135242190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A particular lexical construction for “sun” composed of morphemes for “eye” and either “day” or “sky” has been widely reported for Austronesian languages. Urban (2010) made the case for this phenomenon as an areal feature originating in Austronesian, with attestation in Austroasiatic and Tai-Kadai varieties, but absent in Sino-Tibetan. A follow-up ( Blust 2011 ) argued for the possibility of independent genesis across the languages, while reiterating the absence of the feature in Sino-Tibetan. This paper presents a large scale survey of Tibeto-Burman language varieties. Data from this region show widespread occurrence of the phenomenon in distinct constructions, arguing against contact as the inciting factor. Instead, this paper argues for multiple innovation events, with only small scale regional spread through contact. Data are analysed from approximately 250 doculects from a wide range of sources, including newly elicited data for Bodo-Garo, Maringic and Northern Naga varieties.
{"title":"Revisiting “Eye of the day”","authors":"Kellen Parker van Dam","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22011.van","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22011.van","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A particular lexical construction for “sun” composed of morphemes for “eye” and either “day” or “sky” has been widely reported for Austronesian languages. Urban (2010) made the case for this phenomenon as an areal feature originating in Austronesian, with attestation in Austroasiatic and Tai-Kadai varieties, but absent in Sino-Tibetan. A follow-up ( Blust 2011 ) argued for the possibility of independent genesis across the languages, while reiterating the absence of the feature in Sino-Tibetan. This paper presents a large scale survey of Tibeto-Burman language varieties. Data from this region show widespread occurrence of the phenomenon in distinct constructions, arguing against contact as the inciting factor. Instead, this paper argues for multiple innovation events, with only small scale regional spread through contact. Data are analysed from approximately 250 doculects from a wide range of sources, including newly elicited data for Bodo-Garo, Maringic and Northern Naga varieties.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135286306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article compares the word list collected by and published in LTBA 21.2 by the late Robbins Burling and Mr Mankai Wangsu in 1998 , a word list that represents ‘Lower Wancho’, with a word list collected from Mr Banwang Losu of Kamhua Noknu village, in the Upper Wancho area. Along with the word list and a brief discussion of the phonology of this Upper Wancho variety, we introduce the Wancho script, created by Banwang Losu, now included in Unicode and being used for teaching in the Wancho area. The article includes an introduction presenting information about the diversity of clans and linguistic varieties with what we now term Wancho, and also contains a brief phonological overview with script included and some grammatical information relating to verb stem alternation found in Wancho, and mostly expressed by tone variation between the stems.
{"title":"The Wancho language of Kamhua Noknu village","authors":"Banwang Losu, Stephen Morey","doi":"10.1075/ltba.00014.los","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.00014.los","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article compares the word list collected by and published in LTBA 21.2 by the late Robbins Burling and Mr Mankai Wangsu in 1998 , a word list that represents ‘Lower Wancho’, with a word list collected from Mr Banwang Losu of Kamhua Noknu village, in the Upper Wancho area. Along with the word list and a brief discussion of the phonology of this Upper Wancho variety, we introduce the Wancho script, created by Banwang Losu, now included in Unicode and being used for teaching in the Wancho area. The article includes an introduction presenting information about the diversity of clans and linguistic varieties with what we now term Wancho, and also contains a brief phonological overview with script included and some grammatical information relating to verb stem alternation found in Wancho, and mostly expressed by tone variation between the stems.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents a comprehensive description of the serial verb construction (henceforth SVC) in Tujia. It shows that serial verbs or verb phrases in Tujia are linked by the particle lie 55. lie 55 does not contribute any semantic content to the construction, but only functions as a linking particle. lie 55 is not used for any other purpose in any other structure. SVCs in Tujia can be classified into two types: non-symmetric and symmetric, depending on argument sharing. Symmetric SVCs can be further divided into three types according to how the arguments of the verb are shared: those which share both agents and patients, those which share only agents and those which do not share any arguments. SVCs in Tujia can be used to indicate various types of semantic relations: most frequently this involves sequentiality, but also action-result, cause-effect, and action-purpose. The use of a linking particle in SVCs is rarely reported in the existing literature, so that the present research contributes to the general typology of SVCs.
{"title":"The serial verb construction in Tujia","authors":"Man Lu, Yu Ma, Jeroen van de Weijer","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22009.lu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22009.lu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents a comprehensive description of the serial\u0000 verb construction (henceforth SVC) in Tujia. It shows that serial verbs or verb\u0000 phrases in Tujia are linked by the particle lie\u0000 55.\u0000 lie\u0000 55 does not contribute any semantic content\u0000 to the construction, but only functions as a linking particle.\u0000 lie\u0000 55 is not used for any other purpose in any\u0000 other structure. SVCs in Tujia can be classified into two types: non-symmetric\u0000 and symmetric, depending on argument sharing. Symmetric SVCs can be further\u0000 divided into three types according to how the arguments of the verb are shared:\u0000 those which share both agents and patients, those which share only agents and\u0000 those which do not share any arguments. SVCs in Tujia can be used to indicate\u0000 various types of semantic relations: most frequently this involves\u0000 sequentiality, but also action-result, cause-effect, and action-purpose. The use\u0000 of a linking particle in SVCs is rarely reported in the existing literature, so\u0000 that the present research contributes to the general typology of SVCs.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43715032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deals with elevational deixis in Kiranti languages, a feature which is pervasive in these languages in both the verbal and nominal domains. The system of elevation is described in most grammars of these languages as tripartite, following the typologically common system comprising up(wards), same level/across, down(wards) elevations. This work reviews the available data on elevational deixis in the verbal system, and has two main contributions. First, it shows that motion verbs unspecified for elevation are an essential part of the elevation marking paradigm, and are obligatory in some specific elevational configurations. Second, it argues that on the one hand elevationally marked motion verbs are cognate as whole sets across Kiranti, and probably reconstructible to proto-Kiranti and beyond, and on the other hand that a subgroup of Kiranti including Chintang, Athpare, Belhare and Yamphu have innovated a second set of elevationally-marked motion verbs.
{"title":"Elevational deixis in the Kiranti verb","authors":"Guillaume Jacques, Aimée Lahaussois","doi":"10.1075/ltba.21018.jac","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21018.jac","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article deals with elevational deixis in Kiranti languages, a feature which is pervasive in these languages in both the verbal and nominal domains. The system of elevation is described in most grammars of these languages as tripartite, following the typologically common system comprising up(wards), same level/across, down(wards) elevations.\u0000This work reviews the available data on elevational deixis in the verbal system, and has two main contributions. First, it shows that motion verbs unspecified for elevation are an essential part of the elevation marking paradigm, and are obligatory in some specific elevational configurations. Second, it argues that on the one hand elevationally marked motion verbs are cognate as whole sets across Kiranti, and probably reconstructible to proto-Kiranti and beyond, and on the other hand that a subgroup of Kiranti including Chintang, Athpare, Belhare and Yamphu have innovated a second set of elevationally-marked motion verbs.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44400988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Evidentiality has often been described in narrow terms as an independent grammatical category denoting an overt source of information (e.g., perception, inference, assumption and hearsay). Drawing on fieldwork data, this paper explores how evidentiality is encoded at the copula level in Chhitkul-Rākchham (West Himalayish). In doing so, it is argued that the relevant evidentials, part of a comparatively complex scheme consisting of nine elements, together with a negative sub-system, fall under the broader umbrella of epistemic modality. The contention finds an illustration in an egophoric marker following two inflectional tracks with two resulting degrees of assertiveness, and in a handful of combinatorial constructions. Evidentiality as expressed by copulas points to the self, which builds bridges with the study of consciousness. The latter term is underappreciated within linguistics and this work emphasizes the need for a broader cross-disciplinary outlook.
{"title":"A quaternary epistemic code","authors":"Philippe Antoine Martinez","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22008.mar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22008.mar","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Evidentiality has often been described in narrow terms as an\u0000 independent grammatical category denoting an overt source of information (e.g.,\u0000 perception, inference, assumption and hearsay). Drawing on fieldwork data, this\u0000 paper explores how evidentiality is encoded at the copula level in\u0000 Chhitkul-Rākchham (West Himalayish). In doing so, it is argued that the relevant\u0000 evidentials, part of a comparatively complex scheme consisting of nine elements,\u0000 together with a negative sub-system, fall under the broader umbrella of\u0000 epistemic modality. The contention finds an illustration in an egophoric marker\u0000 following two inflectional tracks with two resulting degrees of assertiveness,\u0000 and in a handful of combinatorial constructions. Evidentiality as expressed by\u0000 copulas points to the self, which builds bridges with the study of\u0000 consciousness. The latter term is underappreciated within linguistics and this\u0000 work emphasizes the need for a broader cross-disciplinary outlook.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43678353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents a frequently used versatile classifier və¹³ in the endangered Ngwi language Zauzou. After investigating seven morphosyntactic contexts in which və¹³ may occur, this classifier exhibits considerable syntactic and semantic overlaps with ordinary classifiers and the inanimate plural quantifier in this language. və¹³ is used as the only classifier for unclassified nouns (i.e., some abstract and count nouns) and an alternative classifier for nearly all kinds of ordinary sortal or mensural classifiers for inanimates, especially when the canonical classifier is not known to the speaker. It shares a wide range of distributions with ordinary numeral classifiers and the plural quantifier and parallels these two classes of determiners in marking various referential values in different noun phrases. However, və¹³ is semantically special in that it may classify nouns of various semantic classes, including abstract and mass nouns, and is underspecified in number. It is compatible with singular, plural and mass interpretations. The final quantity in the reference must be determined in the context. Moreover, və¹³ is a lexical item involved in marking partitives, the function that is not found in ordinary classifiers and the plural quantifier. This study is a systematic description of an under-studied type of versatile classifier, highlighting the internal complexity of a classifier system in Tibeto-Burman languages.
{"title":"The versatile classifier və¹³ in Zauzou","authors":"Yu Li","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22003.li","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22003.li","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article presents a frequently used versatile classifier və¹³ in the endangered Ngwi language Zauzou. After investigating seven morphosyntactic contexts in which və¹³ may occur, this classifier exhibits considerable syntactic and semantic overlaps with ordinary classifiers and the inanimate plural quantifier in this language. və¹³ is used as the only classifier for unclassified nouns (i.e., some abstract and count nouns) and an alternative classifier for nearly all kinds of ordinary sortal or mensural classifiers for inanimates, especially when the canonical classifier is not known to the speaker. It shares a wide range of distributions with ordinary numeral classifiers and the plural quantifier and parallels these two classes of determiners in marking various referential values in different noun phrases. However, və¹³ is semantically special in that it may classify nouns of various semantic classes, including abstract and mass nouns, and is underspecified in number. It is compatible with singular, plural and mass interpretations. The final quantity in the reference must be determined in the context. Moreover, və¹³ is a lexical item involved in marking partitives, the function that is not found in ordinary classifiers and the plural quantifier. This study is a systematic description of an under-studied type of versatile classifier, highlighting the internal complexity of a classifier system in Tibeto-Burman languages.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48408740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This brief note proposes a new Proto-Sino-Tibetan etymon for FIELD-DIKE, the dike between irrigated paddy fields, and provides an etymology relating Chinese and Lahu forms. It also discusses related etymologies with similar rhymes in Lahu and their reflexes in Burmese. There is also a postscript on the Written Burmese rhyme -añ.
{"title":"Paddy-field dike","authors":"James A. Matisoff","doi":"10.1075/ltba.00013.mat","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.00013.mat","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This brief note proposes a new Proto-Sino-Tibetan etymon for FIELD-DIKE, the dike between irrigated paddy fields, and provides an etymology relating Chinese and Lahu forms. It also discusses related etymologies with similar rhymes in Lahu and their reflexes in Burmese. There is also a postscript on the Written Burmese rhyme -añ.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43929040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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