The Legislature in Intra-Executive Crisis and Institutional Instability in Nigeria

Ibraheem Oladipo Muhee
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Abstract

The preeminence of legitimate institutional preferences distinguishes popular government from dictatorship. The imperative for viable legislative institutions to the consolidation of popular government in Nigeria cannot be overemphasized. This study interrogates legislatures’ complicity in intra-executive conflicts, deputy-governorship turnover, and institutional instability, with a view to mitigate further undermining of the institution of the legislature. Qualitative method, descriptive analysis, theories of separation of powers, institutionalization, and the prebendal conception of the Nigeria state, its post-colonial and post-conflict transactional politics suffice. The 1999 Constitution features bicameral national, and unicameral subnational assemblies and multi-level executives. It enjoins separation of powers with delineation of the functional boundaries of governmental institutions vis-à-vis the rule of law to guard against encroachment and impunity. Sections 176 and 186 provide for Governor, and Deputy-Governor, common to all the thirty-six States. Sections 130 and 141 provide for President and Vice-President respectively. Deputy-Governor is significant, as next to, and prospective Governor. Governorship candidates pick running mate for election and voters express support for the duo correspondingly. However, the ‘potential advantage is often counteracted by the prevalence of crisis-ridden executives’, exacerbate by compromised legislatures. Subnational legislative-executive relationship was characterized by the manipulation of legislatures by Governors to personal political ends. Cases abound of intra-executive crisis of confidence that thwarted collective executive successes while leaving both institutions deeply divided amidst accusations, counter-accusations and indictments. A survey of these cases reveals extensive legislatures’ complicity in summary impeachment, forced resignation and intimidation of many Deputy-Governors on sundry allegations leading to high Deputy-Governorship turnover. Pliable legislatures became executives’ whipping tools at the disposal of Governors to whip uncooperative and recalcitrant deputies into line, within days in blatant subversion of the Constitution. Judicial reviews invalidating identified undue legislative interferences underscore vexed question on legislatures’ autonomy, internal complexity and universalism, making mockery of constitutional government.
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尼日利亚行政内部危机和机构不稳定中的立法机构
合法制度偏好的显著性将民众政府与独裁政府区分开来。建立可行的立法机构以巩固尼日利亚人民政府的必要性再怎么强调也不为过。本研究探讨了立法机构在行政内部冲突、副州长更替和机构不稳定中的共谋,以期减轻立法机构的进一步破坏。定性方法、描述性分析、三权分立理论、制度化、尼日利亚国家的预先概念、其后殖民和后冲突交易政治就足够了。1999年的宪法规定了两院制的国家议会和一院制的地方议会以及多层次的行政机构。它要求权力分立,划定政府机构的职能界限,以-à-vis法治防止侵犯和有罪不罚。第176条和第186条规定了36个州共有的州长和副州长。第130条和第141条分别规定主席和副主席的职务。副州长是重要的,仅次于未来的州长。州长候选人选择竞选伙伴,选民相应地支持两人。然而,“潜在的优势往往被危机重重的高管们所抵消”,而妥协的立法机构又加剧了这种优势。地方立法机关-行政机关关系的特点是州长为了个人政治目的而操纵立法机关。管理层内部的信任危机阻碍了管理层的集体成功,同时使两家机构在指责、反指控和起诉中严重分裂,这样的案例比比皆是。对这些案件的一项调查显示,许多副州长因各种指控被草率弹劾、被迫辞职和恐吓,导致副州长更替率很高,许多立法机构都参与其中。柔韧的立法机构变成了行政人员的鞭子工具,任凭州长们摆布,在几天之内就把不合作和不听话的议员们鞭打得就范,这是对宪法的公然颠覆。司法审查认定的不当立法干预无效,凸显了立法机构的自主性、内部复杂性和普遍性等棘手问题,是对宪政的嘲弄。
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