Decline and Fall of Malaysia's Dominant-Party System Meredith L. Weiss and Ibrahim Suffian

IF 1.4 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pacific Affairs Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI:10.5509/2023962281
M. Weiss
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Abstract

Malaysia's 15th general election in November 2022 decisively ended the country's dominant-party system. What might take its place, however, remains hazy—how competitive, how polarized, how politically liberal, and how stable an order might emerge will take some time to become clear. The opposition Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope), having secured a plurality of seats, but with a sharply pronounced ethnic skew, formed a coalition government with the previously dominant, incumbent Barisan Nasional (National Front) and smaller, regional coalitions. This settlement resolved an immediate impasse, but relied upon obfuscation of real programmatic, ideological, and identity differences, raising questions of longer-term durability or results. Examining this uncertainty, we broach three broad queries, with resonance well beyond Malaysia. First, we examine the fragmentation and reconsolidation of Malaysian party politics to explore how party dominance transforms or collapses. Second, we explore the extent to which its dominant party defined or confirmed Malaysia as electoral- authoritarian, and whether we should still consider it so.Third, we ask what possibilities Malaysia's apparent party-system deinstitutionalization opens up for structural reform beyond parties. Does the deterioration of that system—more than simply the previous dominant party's electoral loss—clear the way for more far-reaching liberalization? All told, we find that Malaysia's incremental dismantling of its dominant-party system does not also spell the end of electoral authoritarianism. Party and party-system deinstitutionalization leave the system in flux, but illiberal reconsolidation is as plausible as progressive structural reform.
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马来西亚执政党制度的衰落
2022年11月举行的马来西亚第15次大选决定性地结束了该国占主导地位的政党制度。然而,取而代之的是什么仍然模糊不清——一个秩序可能出现的竞争程度、两极分化程度、政治自由程度和稳定程度需要一段时间才能弄清楚。反对党希望联盟(Pakatan Harapan)获得了多个席位,但种族倾斜明显,与之前占主导地位的现任国民阵线(国民阵线)和较小的地区联盟组成了联合政府。这一解决方案解决了眼前的僵局,但依赖于混淆真正的纲领、意识形态和身份差异,从而引发了长期持久性或结果的问题。在审视这种不确定性时,我们提出了三个广泛的问题,引起了马来西亚以外的共鸣。首先,我们考察了马来西亚政党政治的分裂和重组,以探索政党主导地位是如何转变或崩溃的。第二,我们探讨其主导政党在多大程度上将马来西亚定义或确认为选举独裁,以及我们是否仍然应该这样认为。第三,我们问马来西亚明显的政党制度去机构化为超越政党的结构改革开辟了什么可能性。这一制度的恶化——不仅仅是之前占主导地位的政党在选举中失利——是否为更深远的自由化扫清了道路?总的来说,我们发现马来西亚逐步废除其占主导地位的政党制度并不意味着选举威权主义的结束。政党和政党制度的非制度化使该制度不断变化,但非自由的重新团结与渐进的结构性改革一样合理。
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来源期刊
Pacific Affairs
Pacific Affairs AREA STUDIES-
CiteScore
1.60
自引率
12.50%
发文量
18
期刊介绍: Pacific Affairs has, over the years, celebrated and fostered a community of scholars and people active in the life of Asia and the Pacific. It has published scholarly articles of contemporary significance on Asia and the Pacific since 1928. Its initial incarnation from 1926 to 1928 was as a newsletter for the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR), but since May 1928, it has been published continuously as a quarterly under the same name. The IPR was a collaborative organization established in 1925 by leaders from several YMCA branches in the Asia Pacific, to “study the conditions of the Pacific people with a view to the improvement of their mutual relations.”
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