{"title":"Title IX and Yellow Zone Behavior: An Introduction to the Special Issue","authors":"Tara N. Richards, C. Rennison","doi":"10.1177/15570851221088357","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Robust research focuses on the prevalence and consequences of gender-based violence (i.e., sexual harassment, sexual assault, dating violence, domestic violence, and stalking; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020) at institutions of higher education (IHEs) or sexual misconduct in university speak. More recently, scholars have turned their attention to examining the role of Title IX in addressing sexual misconduct and how IHEs’ policies and practices under Title IX do or do not serve complainants (i.e., alleged victims), respondents (i.e., alleged perpetrators), and the overall campus community. At IHEs, when an alleged incident of sexual misconduct is reported to a Title IX coordinator a common expectation is that (1) the report will result in a formal complaint of a policy violation and (2) be investigated by the Title IX coordinator; (3) that a hearing panel will then determine whether the respondent or respondents violated the IHE’s policy as outlined in the formal complaint, and (4) if a policy violation is found, sanctions will be levied against the responsible party or parties. In practice, however, most reported incidents of sexual misconduct do not result in a formal Title IX complaint and investigation, and many investigated incidents do not result in a finding of a policy violation or sanction (Rennison, 2018; Richards, 2019; Richards et al., 2021). For example, in 2018–2019, across 209 institutions of higher education in New York, only 769 (20%) of the 3829 incidents reported to a Title IX coordinator resulted in a formal complaint and investigation and 412 investigated cases resulted in a policy violation and sanction (Richards et al., 2021). This significant attrition of reported","PeriodicalId":51587,"journal":{"name":"Feminist Criminology","volume":"17 1","pages":"315 - 321"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8000,"publicationDate":"2022-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Feminist Criminology","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/15570851221088357","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5
Abstract
Robust research focuses on the prevalence and consequences of gender-based violence (i.e., sexual harassment, sexual assault, dating violence, domestic violence, and stalking; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020) at institutions of higher education (IHEs) or sexual misconduct in university speak. More recently, scholars have turned their attention to examining the role of Title IX in addressing sexual misconduct and how IHEs’ policies and practices under Title IX do or do not serve complainants (i.e., alleged victims), respondents (i.e., alleged perpetrators), and the overall campus community. At IHEs, when an alleged incident of sexual misconduct is reported to a Title IX coordinator a common expectation is that (1) the report will result in a formal complaint of a policy violation and (2) be investigated by the Title IX coordinator; (3) that a hearing panel will then determine whether the respondent or respondents violated the IHE’s policy as outlined in the formal complaint, and (4) if a policy violation is found, sanctions will be levied against the responsible party or parties. In practice, however, most reported incidents of sexual misconduct do not result in a formal Title IX complaint and investigation, and many investigated incidents do not result in a finding of a policy violation or sanction (Rennison, 2018; Richards, 2019; Richards et al., 2021). For example, in 2018–2019, across 209 institutions of higher education in New York, only 769 (20%) of the 3829 incidents reported to a Title IX coordinator resulted in a formal complaint and investigation and 412 investigated cases resulted in a policy violation and sanction (Richards et al., 2021). This significant attrition of reported
强有力的研究侧重于基于性别的暴力(即性骚扰、性侵犯、约会暴力、家庭暴力和跟踪)的流行程度和后果;疾病控制与预防中心,2020年)在高等教育机构(IHEs)或大学性行为不端发言。最近,学者们将注意力转向研究第九条在解决性行为不端方面的作用,以及第九条规定的高等教育机构的政策和做法如何为投诉人(即所谓的受害者)、被调查者(即所谓的肇事者)和整个校园社区服务。在高等教育学院,当向第九条协调员报告涉嫌性行为不端事件时,通常的期望是:(1)该报告将导致对违反政策的正式投诉;(2)由第九条协调员进行调查;(3)聆讯小组随后会决定被投诉人是否违反了正式投诉书所述的高等教育委员会的政策;以及(4)如发现有违反政策的情况,会对负责的一方或多方施加制裁。然而,在实践中,大多数报告的性行为不端事件并没有导致正式的第九条投诉和调查,许多调查的事件也没有导致违反政策的发现或制裁(Rennison, 2018;理查兹,2019;Richards et al., 2021)。例如,在2018-2019年,在纽约的209所高等教育机构中,向第九条协调员报告的3829起事件中,只有769起(20%)导致正式投诉和调查,412起调查案件导致政策违规和制裁(Richards et al., 2021)。这一显著的减员报告
期刊介绍:
The main aim of Feminist Criminology is to focus on research related to women, girls and crime. The scope includes research on women working in the criminal justice profession, women as offenders and how they are dealt with in the criminal justice system, women as victims, and theories and tests of theories related to women and crime. The feminist critique of criminology incorporates a perspective that the paths to crime differ for males and females, thus research that uses sex as a control variable often fails to illuminate the factors that predict female criminality. This journal will highlight research that takes a perspective designed to demonstrate the gendered nature of crime and responses to crime.