下载PDF
{"title":"Social Networks and the Political Salience of Ethnicity","authors":"Nicholas Eubank","doi":"10.1561/100.00017044","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Ethnic politics scholars are increasingly convinced that (a) the political salience of ethnicity and (b) the correlation between ethnolinguistic fractionalization (ELF) and poor development are driven by the dense social networks shared by co-ethnics. By this argument, social networks allow ethnic parties to leverage inbuilt networks to share information and support collective action, while ethnically fragmented communities struggle to hold politicians accountable. This paper provides the first comprehensive empirical test of the assumption underlying this argument. Using seven months of telecommunications data from 9 million mobile subscribers in Zambia — which includes records of almost 2 billion calls and SMS messages — to measure social networks across an entire country, this paper finds that electoral constituencies with high ELF also have more fragmented social networks, especially in rural areas. It also finds other potential cleavages that have not achieved political salience (namely, religious identity and employment sector) are not correlated with network fragmentation, consistent with the idea that ethnicity achieves salience because it offers an organizational advantage not offered by other cleavages. Finally, it also finds that both voter knowledge and public goods are negatively correlated with network fragmentation, consistent with the network-proxy hypothesis. ∗This project would not have been possible without the generosity of numerous parties, including Real Impact Analytics, Real Impact’s Chief Data Scientists Gautier Krings, and its CEO Sébastien Deletaille. The author is also indebted to Ramya Parthasarathy, Ernest Online Appendix available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00017044_app Supplementary Material available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00017044_supp MS submitted on 15 March 2017; final version received 30 July 2018 ISSN 1554-0626; DOI 10.1561/100.00017044 © 2019 N. Eubank","PeriodicalId":51622,"journal":{"name":"Quarterly Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5000,"publicationDate":"2019-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1561/100.00017044","citationCount":"11","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Quarterly Journal of Political Science","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1561/100.00017044","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"POLITICAL SCIENCE","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 11
引用
批量引用
社会网络和种族的政治突出性
民族政治学者越来越相信,(a)民族的政治显著性和(b)民族语言细分(ELF)与不良发展之间的相关性是由同种族共享的密集社会网络驱动的。根据这一论点,社交网络允许少数民族政党利用内置网络共享信息并支持集体行动,而种族分散的社区则难以追究政客的责任。本文首次对这一论点所依据的假设进行了全面的实证检验。本文使用来自赞比亚900万移动用户的七个月电信数据(包括近20亿个电话和短信的记录)来衡量整个国家的社交网络,发现ELF高的选区也有更分散的社交网络——尤其是在农村地区。它还发现,其他尚未达到政治显著性的潜在分裂(即宗教身份和就业部门)与网络分裂无关,这与种族之所以达到显著性是因为它提供了其他分裂所没有的组织优势的观点一致。最后,它还发现,选民知识和公共产品都与网络碎片化呈负相关,这与网络代理假说一致。*如果没有包括Real Impact Analytics、Real Impact首席数据科学家Gautier Krings及其首席执行官sébastien Deletaille在内的多方的慷慨,这个项目是不可能实现的。作者还感谢Ramya Parthasarathy,欧内斯特在线附录,可从:http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00017044_app补充材料可从:http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00017044_suppMS于2017年3月15日提交;最终版本于2018年7月30日收到ISSN 1554-0626;DOI 10.1561/100.00017044©2019 N.Eubank
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。