Trading Caterpillar Fungus in Tibet: When Economic Boom Hits Rural Area. By Emilia Roza Sulek

IF 1.7 4区 环境科学与生态学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCES Mountain Research and Development Pub Date : 2021-08-06 DOI:10.1659/mrd.mm262.1
C. Smith-Hall
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Interviews also included traders and a string of other actors that throw light, from different angles, on the practice and importance of the caterpillar fungus in Golok, such as shopkeepers, monks, and local state officials. She also developed and implemented a household survey (n 1⁄4 50) focused on the economy of the pastoral households. The book is logically structured in 9 chapters; we move with the pastoralists from their regulated collection areas to the local markets and learn how they function, including a detailed assessment of government interventions. The focus includes the study area, the process of and income from collection and land leasing to outside collectors, the trade and the market, official interventions, and the changes to pastoral livelihoods in the wake of rapidly rising incomes. Sulek places the nuanced findings within a broader study area context; she discusses cultural changes to pastoral life following from the substantial yartsa gumbu income, including in relation to livestock management and the development of physical infrastructure such as houses. Sulek argues that the pastoralists ‘‘are the creators and sponsors of the transformation of their own socio-economic lives, which they accomplish with the money they earn from the caterpillar fungus economy’’ (p 258). The transformative power of the caterpillar fungus has received much recent attention throughout its range in Tibet and the Himalayas (eg Winkler 2008; Laha et al 2015; Pouliot et al 2018; Timmermann and Smith-Hall 2019), typically in shorter articles focused on specific aspects of livelihoods, trade, and conservation. Sulek’s effort is the first comprehensive analysis of the boom, covering historical developments and a wider range of issues than that of the articles. This includes rich details on bargaining in the marketplace; how conflicts related to access are moderated (or not); the duplicity of actors, including the government; and the necessity to distinguish the licit from the legal: some practices may be accepted, even if not officially allowed. If freedom is the ability ‘‘of people to lead the kind of lives they have reason to value’’ (Sen 1999: 10), Sulek’s book provides evidence that Tibetan pastoralists are using the opportunity of the caterpillar fungus to transform their livelihoods and develop their region in ways they themselves decide, offering ‘‘a chance for rural Tibetans to capitalize on their land’s resources on a scale hitherto unknown’’ (p 256). The richness of her book allows it to feed into ongoing discussions that are unaware of both Golok and the caterpillar fungus. This includes the debate on the role of noncultivated environmental products in moving rural households out of poverty. 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Abstract

In this well-written and well-structured work, anthropologist Emilia Roza Sulek takes the reader inside the world of the caterpillar fungus (Ophiocordyceps sinensis) boom in Eastern Tibet during the first 10 years of this millennium. She spent 11 months, from 2007 to 2010, in the parts of Golok that are now included in Qinghai Province in northwestern China. Using participant observation, interviews, and her ability to connect with people, she comes close to the pastoralists who collect—or dig, in her terminology—the extremely highvalue fungus–larvae complex known as yartsa gumbu in Tibetan. Interviews also included traders and a string of other actors that throw light, from different angles, on the practice and importance of the caterpillar fungus in Golok, such as shopkeepers, monks, and local state officials. She also developed and implemented a household survey (n 1⁄4 50) focused on the economy of the pastoral households. The book is logically structured in 9 chapters; we move with the pastoralists from their regulated collection areas to the local markets and learn how they function, including a detailed assessment of government interventions. The focus includes the study area, the process of and income from collection and land leasing to outside collectors, the trade and the market, official interventions, and the changes to pastoral livelihoods in the wake of rapidly rising incomes. Sulek places the nuanced findings within a broader study area context; she discusses cultural changes to pastoral life following from the substantial yartsa gumbu income, including in relation to livestock management and the development of physical infrastructure such as houses. Sulek argues that the pastoralists ‘‘are the creators and sponsors of the transformation of their own socio-economic lives, which they accomplish with the money they earn from the caterpillar fungus economy’’ (p 258). The transformative power of the caterpillar fungus has received much recent attention throughout its range in Tibet and the Himalayas (eg Winkler 2008; Laha et al 2015; Pouliot et al 2018; Timmermann and Smith-Hall 2019), typically in shorter articles focused on specific aspects of livelihoods, trade, and conservation. Sulek’s effort is the first comprehensive analysis of the boom, covering historical developments and a wider range of issues than that of the articles. This includes rich details on bargaining in the marketplace; how conflicts related to access are moderated (or not); the duplicity of actors, including the government; and the necessity to distinguish the licit from the legal: some practices may be accepted, even if not officially allowed. If freedom is the ability ‘‘of people to lead the kind of lives they have reason to value’’ (Sen 1999: 10), Sulek’s book provides evidence that Tibetan pastoralists are using the opportunity of the caterpillar fungus to transform their livelihoods and develop their region in ways they themselves decide, offering ‘‘a chance for rural Tibetans to capitalize on their land’s resources on a scale hitherto unknown’’ (p 256). The richness of her book allows it to feed into ongoing discussions that are unaware of both Golok and the caterpillar fungus. This includes the debate on the role of noncultivated environmental products in moving rural households out of poverty. The book can also be interpreted using other frameworks, such as the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach, providing an exciting example of the processes through which natural assets are transformed into financial (eg bank savings) and physical (eg rural roads) capital. It also allows indirect identification of the parts of the yartsa gumbu production network that remain to be addressed in similar detail, not least the lack of solid evidence of the relative importance of different consumer products and consumer types: who consumes the fungus–larvae complex, in what forms, and why? The book is a valuable addition to the literature on the caterpillar fungus. It contributes to our knowledge of development, pastoralism, and environmental resources. In particular, it constitutes valuable reading for the wider circles of researchers and students interested in livelihoods and high-value environmental products, as it shares rare details of socioeconomic transformation processes.
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西藏毛毛虫交易:当经济繁荣冲击农村地区。Emilia Roza Sulek
人类学家埃米莉亚·罗扎·苏勒克在这部文笔优美、结构优美的作品中,带读者走进了本世纪头10年西藏东部虫草(Ophiocordychristensis)繁荣的世界。从2007年到2010年,她在现在中国西北部青海省的果洛地区度过了11个月。通过参与者的观察、采访和与人联系的能力,她接近了那些收集——或者用她的术语来说——价值极高的真菌幼虫复合体——在藏语中被称为yartsa gumbu的牧民。采访还包括贸易商和一系列其他参与者,他们从不同角度揭示了果洛虫草的做法和重要性,如店主、僧侣和地方政府官员。她还制定并实施了一项家庭调查(n 1/4 50),重点关注牧民家庭的经济。这本书按逻辑分为9章;我们与牧民一起从受监管的采集区转移到当地市场,了解他们的运作方式,包括对政府干预措施的详细评估。重点包括研究领域、收集和向外部收藏者出租土地的过程和收入、贸易和市场、官方干预以及收入快速增长后牧民生计的变化。Sulek将细致入微的发现放在更广泛的研究领域背景下;她讨论了雅尔察·古姆布大量收入后田园生活的文化变化,包括牲畜管理和房屋等有形基础设施的发展。苏莱克认为,牧民“是他们自己社会经济生活转变的创造者和赞助者,他们用从虫草经济中赚来的钱来实现这一转变”(第258页)。虫草的变革力量最近在西藏和喜马拉雅山脉的整个范围内受到了广泛关注(例如,Winkler 2008;Laha等人2015;Pouliot等人2018;Timmermann和Smith Hall 2019),通常发表在关注生计、贸易和保护特定方面的较短文章中。苏雷克的努力是对繁荣的第一次全面分析,涵盖了历史发展和比文章更广泛的问题。这包括市场上讨价还价的丰富细节;如何缓和(或不缓和)与访问相关的冲突;包括政府在内的行为者口是心非;以及区分合法与合法的必要性:有些做法可能会被接受,即使官方不允许。如果自由是“人们过上他们有理由珍视的生活的能力”(Sen 1999:10),苏勒克的书提供了证据,证明西藏牧民正在利用虫草的机会改变他们的生计,并以他们自己决定的方式发展他们的地区,为“农村藏人提供了一个以前所未有的规模利用土地资源的机会”(p 256)。她的书的丰富性使它能够为正在进行的讨论提供素材,而这些讨论对Golok和虫草都一无所知。这包括关于非污染环境产品在农村家庭脱贫中的作用的辩论。这本书也可以使用其他框架来解读,如可持续生计方法,它提供了一个令人兴奋的例子,说明了自然资产转化为金融(如银行储蓄)和实物(如农村道路)资本的过程。它还允许间接识别秋葵生产网络中仍有待详细解决的部分,尤其是缺乏不同消费品和消费类型相对重要性的确凿证据:谁食用真菌-幼虫复合体,以何种形式食用,为什么食用?这本书是对有关虫草的文献的宝贵补充。它有助于我们了解发展、畜牧业和环境资源。特别是,对于对生计和高价值环境产品感兴趣的更广泛的研究人员和学生来说,这是一本有价值的读物,因为它分享了社会经济转型过程的罕见细节。
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来源期刊
Mountain Research and Development
Mountain Research and Development 地学-环境科学
CiteScore
3.10
自引率
18.80%
发文量
36
审稿时长
4.5 months
期刊介绍: MRD features three peer-reviewed sections: MountainDevelopment, which contains “Transformation Knowledge,” MountainResearch, which contains “Systems Knowledge,” and MountainAgenda, which contains “Target Knowledge.” In addition, the MountainPlatform section offers International Mountain Society members an opportunity to convey information about their mountain initiatives and priorities; and the MountainMedia section presents reviews of recent publications on mountains and mountain development. Key research and development fields: -Society and culture- Policy, politics, and institutions- Economy- Bio- and geophysical environment- Ecosystems and cycles- Environmental risks- Resource and land use- Energy, infrastructure, and services- Methods and theories- Regions
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