The Rise and Fall of the Spinning Jenny: Domestic Mechanisation in Eighteenth-Century Cotton Spinning

IF 0.5 2区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY TEXTILE HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI:10.1080/00404969.2020.1812472
J. Styles
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引用次数: 9

Abstract

In February 1777, Imbert de St Paul, the French government’s inspector of manufactures at Nimes, witnessed a spinning jenny at work for the first time. An experienced member of the state industrial bureaucracy, he had already heard about the jenny, which had been introduced into France by one of his colleagues in 1771. Nevertheless, he had to confess it ‘is a very ingenious machine, though very simple, and seeing it work, we were all simply astonished we had failed to guess its secret’. Invented in England in the mid-1760s by the Lancashire weaver James Hargreaves, this simple but ingenious machine remains a familiar icon of the Industrial Revolution, its origins and its impact repeatedly interrogated in the search for explanations of Britain’s eighteenth-century economic transformation. The jenny features as a key technical breakthrough — a ‘macroinvention’ — in the two most influential recent interpretations of the Industrial Revolution: Robert Allen’s The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective and Joel Mokyr’s The Enlightened Economy: An Economic History of Britain, 1700–1850. For Allen the spinning jenny was a macroinvention because it was a new technology with big effects. Its importance lies in its impact, setting in train a long trajectory of advance that resulted in huge increases in productivity. It is ‘the industrial revolution in miniature’, the machine that exemplifies Allen’s argument that the demand for technological innovation was shaped by the relative prices of factors of production — for the jenny, principally labour and capital — in an eighteenth-century English economy characterised by high wages, but cheap capital. Mokyr, by contrast, insists that macroinventions are only very weakly related to economic forces, if at all, and that their precise timing is difficult, perhaps impossible, to explain. He presents them as radical new ideas that emerge without clear precedent, but have dramatic economic consequences. Less invested than Allen in the economic theory of induced innovation, he presents the jenny as just one of a cluster of macroinventions in cotton spinning that emerged in Lancashire between 1760 and 1780, a cluster that included Richard Arkwright’s water frame and
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纺纱珍妮的兴衰:18世纪棉纺的国产化
1777年2月,法国政府驻尼姆的制造业检查员因伯特·德·圣保罗(Imbert de St Paul)第一次目睹了珍妮纺纱机的工作情况。作为一名经验丰富的国家工业官僚机构成员,他已经听说过珍妮机,它是在1771年由他的一位同事引入法国的。然而,他不得不承认,“这是一个非常巧妙的机器,虽然很简单,看到它的工作,我们都很惊讶,我们竟然没有猜到它的秘密。”17世纪60年代中期,兰开夏郡的织布匠詹姆斯·哈格里夫斯在英格兰发明了这种简单而巧妙的机器,它仍然是工业革命的一个熟悉的标志,在寻找英国18世纪经济转型的解释时,它的起源和影响一再受到质疑。在最近对工业革命最有影响力的两本解释中,珍妮机是一项关键的技术突破——一项“宏观发明”:罗伯特·艾伦的《全球视角下的英国工业革命》和乔尔·莫基尔的《开明的经济:1700-1850年的英国经济史》。对艾伦来说,珍妮纺纱机是一项重大发明,因为它是一项影响巨大的新技术。它的重要性在于它的影响,它开启了一条漫长的发展轨迹,导致生产率的大幅提高。这是“工业革命的缩影”,这台机器证明了艾伦的观点,即对技术创新的需求是由生产要素的相对价格决定的——对珍妮来说,主要是劳动力和资本——在18世纪的英国经济中,工资高,但资本廉价。相比之下,Mokyr坚持认为,宏观发明与经济力量的关系非常微弱,如果有的话,而且它们的精确时间很难,甚至不可能解释。他把它们描述为激进的新思想,没有明确的先例,但会产生戏剧性的经济后果。与艾伦相比,他在诱导创新的经济理论上投入较少,他认为珍妮机只是1760年至1780年间出现在兰开夏郡的棉纺领域的一系列宏观发明之一,这些发明还包括理查德·阿克赖特的水架和
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来源期刊
TEXTILE HISTORY
TEXTILE HISTORY HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
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期刊介绍: Textile History is an internationally recognised, peer reviewed journal and one of the leading publications in its field. It is viewed as an important outlet for current research. Published in the spring and autumn of each year, its remit has always been to facilitate the publication of high-quality research and discussion in all aspects of scholarship arising from the history of textiles and dress. Since its foundation the scope of the journal has been substantially expanded to include articles dealing with aspects of the cultural and social history of apparel and textiles, as well as issues arising from the exhibition, preservation and interpretation of historic textiles or clothing.
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