A probe-goal approach to the minimality effect in Chinese modifier V-de construction

Abstract

ABSTRACT:Mandarin Chinese has a modifier [V-de X] construction with a cluster of properties: X is both syntactically and semantically a predicate of the event denoted by V, unique per clause and demonstrably in the complement position of V. Whereas these properties collectively set X apart from postverbal adverbials in European languages, X not only can be interpreted as if it were one of a wide range of adverb classes but also interacts with actual preverbal adverbials of certain types and yields a minimality effect. We present an explanation that makes use of the probe-goal theory of syntactic dependencies and the association of adverb classes adv to their corresponding licensing heads H. It will be shown that the morpheme -de embodies agreement between adv and H. When coupled with a strict Kayne-style clausal structure that Chinese has, this characterization of -de helps explain all the properties of the modifier [V-de X] construction.摘要:传统语法中描写性补语结构[V-de X]中的 X 有一系列区别于印欧语中 动词后副词的特征：X 是谓词性成分，语义上描述事件的特征，这些 特征不仅限于表示频率、方式和结果等对应于印欧语言中低位副词的 特征，也可指事件施事者特征及对事件的评论等高位副词特征；在句 法上 X 是动词 V 的唯一补足语。在此基础上，本文发现此结构中动词 前出现 A-de 类副词时，A-de 类副词只能是比 X 更高位的副词而不能 是更低位的副词，本文认为这是极近效应的作用，并用目标–探针理 论对这种现象进行了解释：语素 de 语义上表修饰，句法上激发修饰语 A/X（探针）与核心词 H（目标）之间一致关系的确立，位于 X 的 C-统治域内的低位副词 A 会阻断 X 搜寻到相对应的核心词 H 因而产生 极近效应。